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Policy Dialogue – Fiscal Federalism & Devolution -Karachi

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Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) organized a policy dialogue on fiscal federalism and devolution, at Karachi Marriott Hotel. A select group of the informed audience was invited to participate in the discussion. Participants belonged to a diverse background of government, academia, business, media, and civil society. PRIME is conducting these dialogues in all four provincial capital cities in the country. These sessions serve to provide a platform to the concerned stakeholders across the country to provide their inputs to PRIME’s on-going research. For the purpose, PRIME has engaged five economists for authoring policy papers on 5- different NFC related issues. And these authors are part of all these provincial level dialogues. Inter-governmental resource distribution is more of a political matter rather than a purely economic one. All decisions reached at the National Finance Commission have to be reached at by a consensus. Therefore, in order to come up with pragmatic recommendations, research authors from PRIME are holding consultative sessions across the country.

The Karachi session was moderated by Dr. Imtiaz Bhatti, Additional Secretary (Coordination) at Chief Secretary’s Secretariat, Government of Sindh; whereas the panelists briefed the audience on their respective NFC paper.

Dr. Ghulam Samad (Director, Centre for Environmental Economics and Climate Change, PIDE)

Pakistan does not have a framework for provincial government expenditures. The federal authorities are collecting almost 98 percent of the total revenue and the provincial governments’ total expenditures are more than that of the federal expenditures. While the provincial governments’ expenditures are increasing, the same trend cannot be observed in the provinces’ contribution to revenue growth. The panelist posed the following questions before the forum:

1. Is there a need for expenditure framework for the provinces?

2. Should it really be a mandate of the NFC to discuss transparency and accountability?

3. What kind of incentives should be given to the provincial governments to encourage them to increase their own revenues? 4. Do the provinces need a fiscal responsibility law?

Dr. Naimat U. Khan (Assistant Professor, Institute of Management Sciences, University of Peshawar)

The panelist sought the forum’s opinion on the suggestion that the two territories of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir should be treated like other provinces, so that a permanent percentage of divisible pool can be allocated for the two. This way they will not be each year dependent upon the federal government’s share of resources.

In case of Balochistan there is a protection with respect to the minimum percentage of share in divisible pool. Dr. Naimat posed the question whether there can be any such protection for GB/AJK or not? Can the federation assign a fixed percentage of non-tax resources for GB/AJK?

Dr. Sajid Amin (Head, Policy Solutions Lab, SDPI)

Granting such a high weightage to population as a resource distribution criteria needs to be revaluated. When population has a weightage of 82 percent in the horizontal distribution formula, other important indicators get left with very insignificant weightage.Provinces that have a high population naturally are in need of greater resources to be able to meet their needs. When population has such a high weightage in the resource distribution formula, this creates an incentive for the provinces for not keeping a lid on their population growth rates.

Poverty is given a weightage of 10 percent. It is proposed that this indicator should be substituted with poverty distance. Furthermore, the value obtained for poverty distance shall then be multiplied with the population in the province as this figure will be more representative of the actual needs of the province, with respect to poverty alleviation. The major resistance in the current NFC negotiations is coming from the province of Sindh. The question is what will be the level of willingness of the government of Sindh in undertaking population control initiatives?

Shahid Mehmood (Economic Policy Consultant; Instructor, Pakistan Institute of Trade & Development)

Under article 160 of the constitution of Pakistan, the provinces have ownership of their natural resources. However, it is seen that the federal government exercises far more control over them as against the provincial governments. For example, it is the federal government which bi-annually determines the wellhead pricing. Granting the right of collection of revenue (that is eventually transferred to provinces in the form of straight transfers) to provincial governments is currently disadvantageous for the federal government, which faces a budgetary shortfall of Rs.2 trillion.

Unfortunately, the districts from which natural resources are being extracted, their human development indicators are faring too bad as compared to other settled districts in the country. Neither the provincial nor the federal government spares a thought about the uplift of these areas.

Sohaib Jamali (Editor, BR Research)

Sindh has been without a Provincial Finance Commission for the last so many years. As per Sindh Local Government laws, property taxes, taxes on transfer of immovable property, tax on professions, trades and 4 callings, lie in the domain of local government. But realistically speaking it is still being levied and collected by the provincial government. From the perspective of PFC, development spending is still top-down instead of being the other way round.

There are thirteen/fourteen members of the PFC in Sindh of which 6 out rightly belong to the provincial government. Two are from the private sector, nominated by the provincial government. This is to say that if the district governments/local government are not fairly represented on the PFC, how fair would an award really be?

Delivering 5m homes via markets

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Delivering 5m homes via markets

Ali Salman

Incentives will push private sector to deploy resources for building housing units

Prime Minister Imran Khan. PHOTO: RADIO PAKISTAN

ISLAMABAD: The most important promise that Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) made to the people in the economic domain was the construction of five million homes targeting the poor segments of the populace.

Three years on, we have seen the launch of Naya Pakistan Housing Programme (NPHP), along with the announcement of subsidised mortgages for the low-income customers.

As of today, 1,500 housing units have been delivered whereas another 5,000 units in different cities are being built. Even then, the attribution of these units exclusively to NPHP is debatable as housing is technically a provincial domain.

At this rate, if the government is lucky, NPHP will hardly deliver 1% of its target by the end of PTI’s tenure.

Home ownership matters not only for urban planning, but also for providing an asset-backed security for people. One may also spot a case of market failure – all new housing schemes launched by the private sector attract only the middle and upper classes.

And arguably, 40% of Pakistan’s population comprising low-income and low middle income will remain deprived if we were to depend on the private sector. That is why we need the government to fill this gap and deliver.

This is the basic premise of all housing programmes that governments launch. NPHP is no exception. However, this approach is fundamentally flawed.

Last week, Safiya Homes, a private organisation working to provide affordable housing solutions for the low income, delivered keys to the first batch of 400 owners in Lahore. These families could not have imagined owning a house of their own as their average monthly income is a meagre PKR 40k-60k.

This organisation is currently developing a number of projects across the country with plans to deliver 5,000 houses by 2023. They have successfully mobilised both domestic and foreign investment to the tune of Rs4 billion.

The private sector works for incentives. In the case of housing market, the incentives, largely driven by a set of rules, practices and demand, mainly disfavour any business model for the low-income people.

This “market failure” can be corrected by altering the incentive structure. Once this is corrected, we will see vast resources being deployed by the private sector in the low-income housing segment, thus not only helping the new homeowners, but also achieving the prime minister’s vision.

The missing insight is that affordable housing is not a game of margins but a game of time.

Typically, the maximum margins on an affordable housing project would be 50% over the life of the project, ie five years, resulting in an annualised ROI of 10%. This is not attractive for private capital, especially in the financial scenario of Pakistan, where inflation is touching 10%.

However, if these five years can be reduced to half – 2.5 years – the annualised ROI will double to 20%, thus making it attractive for the private capital.

The challenge is to re-engineer the planning and approval process. The time that it takes from planning to execution of a housing scheme can be reduced by cutting down the time required to issue an NOC from the current maximum of 36 months to six months.

The good news is that in the case of Punjab, the government has passed legislation to allow Punjab Housing and Town Planning Agency (PHATA) to effectively reduce the time to below six months in the case of affordable housing. This needs to be executed, replicated and demonstrated by all provincial governments.

After approval, the next stage is to develop the scheme, lay down trunk infrastructure and build houses. The time required for development and building houses will be largely a function of the developer’s capacity and demand.

While the private sector can be mobilised to increase the speed to deliver in about nine months, the time required to sell the units can be minimised too.

There is a lack of trust by the citizens in private sector developers, and for the right reason. The government or a regulatory body can help in the certification of developers.

At the same time, the government can assess aggregate demand of the applicants and can channel it to the private sector after appropriate screening.

Obviously, to make it work, transparent criteria for the selection of beneficiaries and transmission of information to the private sector will be critical.

If the demand can be aggregated and developers certified, the sales time period can be cut from a matter of years to a few weeks, thus helping the private sector to achieve financial close.

The end-result of altering the set of incentives will be increased annual ROI for the private sector – to the tune of 33%, more homes delivered in a shorter time and finally no more fiscal burden on taxpayers’ money.

As the project location decision is made by the private sector, supported by the demand data shared by the government, the success probability of the project goes up significantly.

If one private group like Safiya Homes can deliver affordable homes, this can be replicated and scaled by other private groups as well. This needs to be aided by reforms in mortgage laws about which significant progress has been made already.

Thus, it is possible to correct market failure of the private sector in the housing market by changing rules and by bringing in government where it really matters.

The writer is founder and executive director of PRIME, an independent economic policy think tank

Published in The Express Tribune, June 28th, 2021.

Growth rate of 3.94% not surprising

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Growth rate of 3.94% not surprising

Ali Salman

Govt must be committed to reforms without which growth cannot be sustainable

The FBR had reported its total tax collection in the last fiscal year at Rs3.998 trillion, which the sources said, the AGRP has shown at Rs3.898 trillion in its accounts.. STOCK IMAGE

ISLAMABAD: When the National Accounts Committee published an estimate of 3.94% economic growth based on the July 2020-April 2021 period, it caught most of the commentators by surprise and the estimate was disputed.

In this article, we argue that this should not have been the case, using insights obtained from our analysis.

For the last 18 months, we have published a monthly index, which takes into account Pakistan’s macro-economy based on the analysis of four periodic datasets: trade volume (TV), Consumer Price Index (CPI), Quantum Index of Large-Scale Manufacturing Industries (QIM) and Long-Term Financing Facility (LTFF). From July 2020 to April 2021, the index has exhibited an upward trend, registering a growth of 19%. It shows that the economy has demonstrated positive growth for all but two months.

Over a 12-month period, the Pakistan Prosperity Index (PPI) depicts an upward trajectory, reaching an all-time high of 128.1 in March 2021. This figure signals an increase in economic prosperity, largely driven by improved business sentiment despite the pandemic.

During March 2021, the increase in trade volume and private sector lending outweighed the decline in purchasing power and output of large-scale manufacturing, thus resulting in the increase in the prosperity index.

With the exception of three months, ie August 2020, February 2021 and March 2021, the large-scale manufacturing exhibited a positive growth throughout the period under review.

On the other hand, the purchasing power (inverse of inflation) showed a slight improvement for two consecutive months, i.e. December 2020 and January 2021, but declined during the rest of the period under review.

The year-on-year inflation came in at 9.1% in March 2021, which further suppressed the purchasing power. This inflationary pressure has been on account of increase in prices of basic food items and higher energy prices. In terms of private sector credit, long-term financing facility has been on the rise during the period under review, standing at an all-time high of Rs325 billion in March 2021. Private sector credit sustained its expansionary trend owing to recovery in economic growth and subsidised borrowing rate.

On the external front, Pakistan’s trade volume remained volatile throughout the period due to dwindling global demand as a result of the pandemic.

Other factors contributing to the dwindling trade performance included inflationary pressures, hikes in electricity tariffs and micro-smart lockdowns. As of March 2021, the trade volume stood at Rs1.2 trillion, increasing by 17.6% month-on-month.

Apparently, the measures taken by the government which included relaxing Covid-induced restrictions, cutting policy rate and providing relief packages to industries in order to shore up economic activity are finally paying off.

The increased economic prosperity, as measured by the PPI, supports the provisional GDP growth estimate of 3.94% for the 2020-21 financial year, as released by the planning ministry. There seems to be a strong correlation between the PPI and the economic growth rate as both exhibit an upward trajectory.

In addition to these variables, a record growth in all crops except for cotton has significantly pushed the economic growth upwards. Higher consumption fueled by the increasing flow of remittances certainly helped as well.

What lies ahead?

Recent bullish episodes at the Pakistan Stock Exchange suggest that the market is beaming with confidence and Pakistan is pivoting to growth. What is notable is that this growth has been backed by reforms, most notably in the exchange rate mechanism.

Also, government decisions to raise electricity tariffs twice despite the political backlash were a good sign. This is where commitment to the IMF can help.

The government must demonstrate greater commitment to reforms without which growth will not be sustainable. Aggressive privatisation and cutting down wasteful expenditures should be its high priority.

Tax and tariff reforms at the structural level are direly needed and latest news suggest that the government is serious. For example, it has indicated the withdrawal of customs duty on the import of 600-plus raw materials – a step which is likely to boost industrialisation.

Lastly, as we presented to the Planning Commission in April, the government should not merely target growth, it should also go for economic transformation.

It must plan for a fundamental resource re-allocation from inefficiencies, both in the private and public sectors, to efficiency and innovation.

As the government finalises the budget, it will become clear to what extent it is committed to these reforms. While it may have to take more unpopular decisions in the next two years, it must stay above electoral temptations. It should also close its doors on the selected business groups lobbying for exemptions, rather it should present budget as a policy to stimulate private sector-led and sustained growth in general.

The writers are associated with PRIME, an independent economic policy think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, June 7th, 2021.

Busting the middleman myth

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Busting the middleman myth

Ali Salman

Middleman does not deserve all the contempt that is heaped upon him

A farmer sitting in a tractor loaded with sugarcane waits to offload the crop outside a sugar factory in Baghpat district in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, India, February 5, 2021. PHOTO: REUTERS

ISLAMABAD: A constantly hammering theme in Pakistan’s economic policy circles as well as popular debate about economic challenges is the role of middleman who is often considered a source of all types of evil in the market process.

Although the middleman or distributor is an integral part of each economic sector – think who brings clothes from factories to shops, this debate is more pronounced in the agriculture market.

The middleman, it is believed, exploits both the poor farmer and poor consumer and makes exorbitant profit at the cost of social welfare, moral values and efficiency. This obsession with the middleman has consumed energies of economic policymakers as well as commentators to a disproportionate degree and all kinds of “out-of-the-box” solutions are being proposed.

The solution, sometimes stated and sometimes implied, is the elimination of the role of middleman, with the elusive hope that once it is done, prices will come down.

As this article will hopefully show, the middleman, our bogeyman, does not deserve all the contempt, which is heaped upon him. In fact, if anyone understands sound economics – and is ready to listen to the facts – he will begin to appreciate how fundamental role does the middleman play in our day-to-day lives.

Theory should be sufficient guide for those who care. Muslim theologian Imam Ghazali, 800 years before Ricardo, had discovered the theory of comparative advantage, which says, “…farmers live where farming tools are not available. Blacksmiths and carpenters live where farmers are lacking. Naturally, they want to satisfy needs by giving up in exchange part of what they possess.”

Farmers cannot become distributors and consumers cannot drive every day to the fields to get vegetables at ex-farm prices. We need someone to assume risks and earn profit.

For those who do not understand or believe in this theory, here is some data. The Punjab government maintains the Agriculture Marketing Information System (AMIS) and updates the data of prices diligently.

It maintains data of indicative ex-farm costs of various crops and even indicative prices at the doorsteps of mandi – the wholesale market. From the mandi, the commodity is picked up by retailers or distributors and eventually brought to the cities.

While these costs and margins are suggestive, they can always be compared with the actual price data which the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (PBS) maintains. Thus, anyone who can compare the ex-farm price with the mandi and finally with the retail can see the extent of margins that the middleman and – for that matter – farmer make.

While the food basket that defines the Consumer Price Index (CPI) has 20 goods, 70% of food expenditure by the bottom 20% income household is made on seven items: fresh milk, flour (atta), three vegetables (potato, onion and tomato), chicken and cooking oil in the same order in terms of burden on expenditure.

I have taken data of wheat and three vegetables, which is available at AMIS and PBS. A note of caution before reading the comparative prices at different levels of the supply chain is in order.

Agriculture markets, especially when they are under all sorts of controls, both by price and trade restrictions, are bound to exhibit greater volatility than other markets. Therefore, probably one needs to be careful to generalise.

However, based on theory, and armed with data, one can see that the middleman is not that exploitative, and the farmer is not that poor! Let’s look at the data now.

In the year 2020-21, the farmer’s estimated margins in key crops – wheat, onion, tomato and potato – range from 15% to 253%. Middleman’s margins, on the other hand, range, more normally, between 18% and 36%. In fact, if you look at it closely, this margin is shared between the wholesaler and retailer.

That the farmer may have made extraordinary profit in one year and lost significantly in another year is a normal trend. Anyone who understands rural economy will know this.

Similarly, the fact that the middleman’s margins are within a reasonable bound is due to the lesser risk they have assumed in storing the crop once it is ready and then selling it upon demand. That is Economics 101. What should the government do? In most cases, the government should do nothing more than quality checks and other institutional safeguards such as sanctity of contracts.

The exploitative middleman does not exist, it is our bias that we exhibit. As long as markets are open and competitive, exploitation is checked.

The middleman is pivotal to all economic transactions. While the use of technology is being perceived as a substitute, we need to realise that we are just changing the role here.

Instead of an arhti, we are giving the same or may be more profit to virtual platforms. If the government is setting up markets for exchange between farmers and consumers, it is not free – only that we can’t see its costs.

More dangerously, by doing this, the government has thrown itself into functions it should not bother about and has shunned its more important functions.

The writer is the Executive Director of PRIME, an independent think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, May 10th, 2021.

Tale of two nations: How Pakistan can learn from Greece’s turnaround?

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A Reuters file photo of Athens.

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan and Greece may not have many things in common. They are located on different continents and the population of Greece is about one-20th of Pakistan. Pakistan is a low middle-income developing country while Greece is a high-income developed country.

But there are many similarities as well.

Both countries have been living much beyond their means and have to seek bailouts from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as well as from other friendly countries. In fact, during the last 10 years, each of them took three bailouts.

Both countries have been facing serious problems with tax evasion. A study by Chicago University concluded that tax evasion in 2009 by self-employed professionals (accountants, dentists, lawyers, doctors and other service providers) alone in Greece was €28 billion.

Pakistan is facing the same problem. IMF estimates that tax capacity of Pakistan is 22.3% of gross domestic product (GDP), which implies a tax revenue gap of at least 10% of GDP or about the same as of Greece.

Another common factor is that both countries have seen several military governments. Both have been involved in long-standing and intractable territorial disputes with neighbors. Both countries spend heavily on defense compared to their GDP.

However, Greece is now turning the corner. Its new prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, has embarked on a series of bold reforms. As a result, Greece has become the fastest-growing eurozone economy with consumer confidence rising to a 19-year high. Its 10-year bond yield has dropped to 1.59%, enabling Greece to repay the expensive IMF loan of 3.7 billion euros much earlier than the deadline.

On the other hand, Pakistan’s economy is still not stabilized. The annual fiscal deficit has risen to the highest level of 8.9%, not seen in the last three decades. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has continued to fall and this year it is down by over 50% compared to last year.

How has Greece finally managed to change things for the better while Pakistan’s economic situation seems to be worsening?

First, the new Greek government embarked on bold taxation and other reforms including cutting the corporate tax from 28% to 24% in 2020. Banking restrictions on the transfer of money have been removed to restore confidence.

Second, it is going for quick gains and focus on those areas where it already enjoys a preferential advantage. In 2018, there were 32 million overseas visitors, which were more than double the number in 2010.

It has introduced a golden visa scheme, which grants five-year residency rights for third-country nationals. Greece has become a top destination for China’s middle class.

Third, it has been working on improving its balance of trade through an export-led growth strategy rather than import substitution. This is despite a recurring substantial trade deficit, with exports of $30.2 billion versus imports of $52.8 billion, resulting in a trade deficit of $22.5 billion. This year, its exports are expected to exceed $33-34 billion, which is the highest ever. It has modernized trade procedures and explored new markets and new products.

If Pakistan wants to halt its falling growth rate, it has to start freeing the economy of most of the restrictions. Liberalisation of telecom, financial and construction sectors during 2002-04 was the main driving force behind the fast GDP growth during the Musharraf era.

Due to recent adverse changes in taxation and other recent regulatory restrictions, business activities in all these areas have slowed down considerably.

Second, the government has to embark on an export-led strategy rather than trying to stick with the outdated import substitution policy. Its mild tariff reforms during the last budget have boosted local production and exports to some extent but to reach a tipping point, it needs to speed up the reform process.

Furthermore, it is high time Pakistan brings interest rate to a more reasonable level to stimulate growth. It has also to be more practical about its accountability drive, which has had a rather dampening impact on economic growth and new investments.

If Pakistan is to get out of its economic woes, it will have to embark on bold reforms. It has to open up its economy and cut red tape so that it can also attract some of the industries now being relocated from China to Vietnam, Bangladesh and other developing countries.

The writer served as Pakistan’s ambassador to the WTO from 2002 to 2008

Published in The Express Tribune, September 23rd, 2019.

Think Tank cautiously welcomes Sino-Pak FTA-II

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New Year, New Agreement: The long-awaited Phase-II of the Pak-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA) has officially come into effect on January 1, 2020. The agreement is expected to enhance bilateral trade between the two countries. It primarily focuses on five major areas including market access, safeguards measures, electronic data exchange, protected tariff lines and balance of payment. Under the agreement, China will liberalize 3767 tariff lines over the next decade while Pakistan will liberalize 5237 tariff lines over the next 15 years. Out of the total tariff lines, China has immediately liberalized 1471 new tariff lines for Pakistan. These lines include the highest priority 313 tariff lines for Pakistan which cover over $8.7 billion worth of our global exports and over $64 billion worth of Chinese global imports. In contrast, Pakistan has immediately liberalized 685 new tariff lines for China.

The new FTA will benefit Pakistan’s economy by increasing market access of key export commodities such as textiles and garments, leather, seafood, footwear, chemicals, oilseeds, and some engineering goods. Pakistan imports a major chunk of its raw materials, intermediary products, and machineries from China. Liberalization of these tariff lines would imply cheap input prices and lower production cost for the domestic industries which would enhance the price competitiveness of Pakistan’s exports. Moreover, under this phase, Pakistan is allowed to impose safeguard measures if the surge in imports threatens to hurt its domestic industry. Underinvoicing and misreporting have been a major issue under Phase-I. The use of electronic data exchange under Phase-II will tackle under-invoicing and misreporting which will assist in curbing the black market and will increase FBR’s revenue. Further, the country is allowed to raise tariffs in order to reduce imports amidst a balance of payment crisis. In any event, the agreement is staggered over the next 15 years. For several products, duties will be eliminated from 2022 to 2029 while for some others, duties will be gradually reduced from 2023 onwards and the process will be completed in 2035.

On the flip side, the export gains from FTA remain limited due to Pakistan’s narrow basket and lack of value-addition. As Pakistan will be lowering its tariffs for China on 5237 items over time, there is a possibility of an increased import bill given the nature of those items (high valued products). If Pakistan does not quickly establish export processing zones for the manufacturing of value-added products and diversify its export basket, the expected gains of $4-5 billion over the next five years may not materialize. Akin to prior agreement, this FTA does not cater to non-tariff barriers that also restrict Pakistan’s exports to the Chinese market. It is important that Pakistan examines the impact of reduced tariffs on each product and correspondingly rationalizes its import tariff to avoid trade diversion as happened earlier. Despite all the concessions in the FTA, until the government reduces the cost of doing business and improves the regulatory environment, exports may not increase as envisioned.

The writer is associated with PRIME Institute, an independent think tank based in Islamabad. For media inquiries, please contact beenish@primeinstitute.org.

Warning: “Safe Mineral Water” won’t be Safe for the Economy

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By Syed Talha Hassan Kazmi

The government of Pakistan has announced to intervene in the market of bottled water by launching a state-owned mineral water brand. Mr. Fawad Chaudary, Federal Minister for Science and Technology claimed that the bottled water costs Rs 1 per liter and it will be introduced in two phases. In the first phase, it will be used at government offices and in the second phase it will be made available to the general public.

Mr. Chaudary also said that it would be a cheaper alternative to other mineral water brands available in the market. In simple words, the government has decided to launch a SOE to compete with private market players. This article explains why such decisions are bound to fail. It also recommends some basic solutions to fix financial woes of the State Owned Enterprises.

Existence of a SOE can be justified only in that segment of the economy in which private sector is not willing to participate. Launching of “Safe Mineral water” cannot be justified in the presence of multiple private enterprises in this sector. In Lahore and other cities, one can find several privately-owned water shops providing quality water to the consumers at their door step at a price of around Rs. 5 per liter. Does the government really want to compete with them?

Ironically, we have many other sectors of economy in which loss making SOEs are unfairly contesting with private enterprises. For instance, despite having multiple privately-owned steel mills, Pakistan Steel Mills (PSM) is haunting the economy with total losses and liabilities of over Rs 480 billion. PSM was closed down in 2015 but government is bearing an expenditure of Rs 370 million every month in terms of employees’ salaries.

SOEs are generally established to provide certain goodsat a lower price. These goods are not normally provided by the market as they are usually non-rivalrous and non-excludable. Provision of a good at an economical price requires efficiency at each and every stage of business process. However, most of the SOEs in Pakistan have lost their financial viability stemming from bad governance, over staffing andpolitical interference. Most of them are so inefficient that they cannot even meet their operating costs.

There is no economic or even moral justification behind the existence of SOEs in those sectors of economy in which private sector is participating actively. Every year government injects huge sums of tax payers’ money to keep them alive. We the taxpayers are facing consequences of the crimes which we haven’t committed but the white elephants still exist and incurring huge loses.

A report prepared by the Ministry of Finance reflects that the net losses of SOEs have surged by 330 percent in FY17 and reached to Rs191.5 billion. Among the top ten loss making SOEs, National Highway Authority sealed top position with net losses of around Rs 133 billion, followed by Pakistan Railways Rs 40.7 billion, PIAC Rs 39.6 billion and losses of PSM jumped up to Rs 14.9 billion. This is the price of government intervention in the markets.

Explaining why SOEs fail

The answer to this question lies in looking at the end result of government programs. The owners of private enterprises and the people who are involved in running SOEs have the same incentive: to serve their own interest. However, the bottom line is different in the private sphere than in the public sphere. Under a well -functioning market mechanism if an enterprise fails it will go out of the market and owners will lose their investments. So, they have a strong incentive to make it efficient to avoid losses. However, if same people run a government program and it fails, they know that can get a bailout package from the government. They have no incentive to make it efficient.

After coming to power, the PTI government has given two bailout packages worth Rs 38 billion to keep the national flag carrier in the skies. The first bailout package of Rs 17 billion was approved in November 2018 and the second “dose of oxygen”was provided in February 2019. In August 2019, PIA management has demanded another injection of nearly Rs10bn to remain afloat. The fresh assistance was demanded to pay off foreign loans and for repair and maintenance of aircrafts. The government however, showed its reluctance to inject more money due to IMF restrictions.

As of June 2019, SOEs domestic debt peaked to Rs 1.4 trillion (3.6 percent of GDP). The financial black holes are also borrowing from commercial banks which is fast crowding out private sector. SOEs have borrowed Rs 228 billion from banks for commodity operations.

What needs to be done?

The government of Pakistan must privatize all the loss-making SOEs as revamping of these loss-making entities is not an easy option. Many governments have tried first to revamp these entities before putting them on the privatization list. PTI government also wasted one year to realize that the privatization of loss-making entities is the only solution to avoid further losses.

However, before privatization, the government of Pakistan must formulate a sound privatization policy and create an enabling business environment. The policy should explain the prerequisites for privatization, its process, and criteria. The government of Pakistan must also reduce the regulatory burden and liberalize the economy to incentivize private investment. 

It is highly appreciated that the PTI government has selected 17 SOEs for privatization. It is recommended that the government must ensure transparency in the whole process and rules should not be violated to give any SOE to a particular group or individual.

In those sectors of the economy where the private sector is not participating, corporate structure can be introduced to minimize the losses. Pakistan introduced corporate governance rules in 2013 but these rules were practically ignored by the government of PMLN. World Bank has recently launched the “Report on Observance of Standards and Rules”. The report highlighted serious flaws in the affairs of SOEs, such as lack of performance management system, fragmented ownership structure and lack of staff with financial and commercial expertise.

Many countries have implemented corporate governance rules to ensure accountability, transparency, and clarity in the mandate of all the stakeholders. Independent central boards in the form of holding companies, specific boards, and monitoring authorities are established to enhance the efficiency of the SOEs. Examples include Tamasak Holding of Singapore; Department of Public Enterprises in India and New Zealand’s crown monitoring authority. The PTI government has also decided to set up a holding company named Surmaya e Pakistan Holding Limited (SPHL) for the management of SOEs. Under this initiative all the entities will become subsidiaries of PSHL and shares of the federal government in all the SOEs will be transferred to holding company. The initiative will not only be helpful in improving coordination among different public entities, but it will also help them in focusing on their core matters and non-core issues such as legal services can be outsourced to PSHL.

SOEs lack capital due to which the entities face problems in the development of new assets and in maintaining the existing ones. This issue can be resolved through public-private partnerships. For instance, private investment can be mobilized into the aviation sector of Pakistan. The aviation policy of 2015 provides a business-friendly framework that can be helpful in attracting private investment in the airline. Private investment can also be mobilized to minimize budget constraints faced by Pakistan Railway. For instance, trains can be outsourced to the private sector and the receipts generated through this initiative can be utilized to maintain railway tracks. Also, redundant real estate assets owned by Pakistan Railways can also be utilized to attract funds.

Conclusion

Most of the SOEs in Pakistan are facing severe financial crises. Custodians of Naya Pakistan have to realize that bailout packages have done more harm than good.

It is recommended that all loss-making enterprises which are unfairly competing with private enterprises must be privatized. But, before privatization, the government should formulate a sound privatization policy. The government should also minimize regulatory constraints and reduce its control over market forces to incentivize private investment.

Public Private Partnership and corporate governance may also help in revamping the SOEs which are operating in those segments where private sector is not willing to invest.

The PTI government must understand that government intervention in an efficiently functioning market mechanism is always destructive and Pakistanis have already paid enough price of such misadventures.

Author is a Research Fellow at PRIME Institute and holds an MPhil in Economics.

Policy Steps: COVID-19 & Pakistan

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1.Do not control prices, work on supply

The government should resist the temptation on controlling prices, as this provides wrong signals to both producers and consumers. Consumers go on panic buying and producers stop investing in supply. The government should still regulate, focus on supply, and take measures against cartelization and hoarding especially when it comes to food and medicines.

2.  Remove trade barriers

As we have advocated in the past, open trade helps in free flow of medicines and medical equipment, and government should withdraw such tariff and non-tariff barriers at least till the time the crisis is over. If Pakistan was a signatory to the Information Technology Agreement, as we recommended many times, import of medical machinery would be possible duty-free. Allow the free import of 3-D printer to help boost innovators.

3. Re-allocate resources to invest in critical manufacturing

Government should further reduce the interest rate and induce commercial banks to reallocate capital to the industries with plans to boost production in critical medical equipment such as ventilators and hospital beds..

4. Protect daily wage workers in the industries

Government should announce a new regulation to ensure that the workers on daily wages employed by the industry should continue to be paid during the factories closure.

5. Re-prioritize Zakat spending

Government should re-prioritize Zakat spending and should also encourage private companies and foundations to create a pool of funds to provide cash to informal workers in the industrial, agricultural and services sector during the crisis.

Budgetary policies in times of virus

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Pakistan’s policymakers are in an unenviable position while formulating the upcoming fiscal year’s budget

Everyone from small and medium enterprises to large-scale manufacturing industries is looking for relief measures to cope with the Covid-19 crisis. Even without the pandemic, many would expect some relief in the existing taxation regime as the government is reaching the halfway point of its tenure.

Unfortunately, there may not be much room for any major tax reductions. Already this year, the country would be fortunate even to achieve 70% of the original tax collection target of Rs5.5 trillion (which has been revised downwards several times).

While some blame lies with Covid-19, it was apparent from the beginning that the original target was almost impossible. One key lesson is that there should be some realism in setting the revenue target as that is the foundation of the whole budgetary exercise.

It should not be too difficult to estimate a ballpark revenue figure as the size of gross domestic product (GDP) and the growth rate are relatively better estimated, and the tax-to-GDP ratio does not change much.

Given historical trends, expenses almost always surpass estimates, while revenues are often much lower than the set objective. Notwithstanding these realities, according to press speculations, the IMF is pushing for a significant rise of 34% in overall revenues next year.

As the economy is likely to contract into negative territory, any tax increases will be self-defeating and not likely yield any additional revenues. It would be in everyone’s interest to have a realistic tax target – say about 15% higher than the anticipated receipt this year.

Having an achievable revenue target will result in more credibility on the expenditure side. Also, major stakeholders on the expenditure side will realise the seriousness of the situation and limit their demands.

Next fiscal year’s priority should be to curtail non-development expenditure and focus on such budgetary expenses, which can create employment. Thus, keeping a reasonable level of Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) would be valuable.

At the same time, tax reforms can facilitate the business environment and often bring more revenues. It is particularly vital that the industry, especially the small and medium enterprises, can restore its activity so that some of the job losses could be recovered.

Tariff board

The budgetary measures, which are also the main channel for determining the trade policy, will be the first test of the new Tariff Policy Board, headed by the prime minister’s adviser on commerce. The initial milestone will be whether the new tariff policy can change the direction to support Pakistan’s industrial growth, international trade and other public interests.

Even if the tariff rates cannot be seriously rationalised to give much-needed relief to the local industry with cheaper inputs and reduce rampant smuggling, at the very least, the Tariff Policy Board can simplify the tariff.

Every government intended to provide a level playing field for various industries by reducing the number of Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs) and tariff slabs to reduce tariff dispersions. Still, for more than a decade, it had been mostly lip service with no real reforms.

The Tariff Policy Board can change it. In addition to the simplification of tariff, there is an urgent need for budgetary measures to cope with the Covid-19 health emergency.

The minimum concessions for coping with Covid-19 should include an extension of the temporary exemption for medical and other healthcare equipment from import taxes till the pandemic is over.

A recent study by World Bank economists, giving the comparison of applied tariffs in 20 developing countries, showed that Pakistan is one of the three countries which have the highest import taxes on Covid-19 products. It is unfair to not prefer people’s health and welfare for the sake of minor revenue.

Malnutrition

Another linked issue is that of malnutrition, which is already affecting almost half of the Pakistani children and women but will become worse with the impact of Covid-19.

Prime Minister Imran Khan highlighted stunting in his inaugural address. According to a recent study, the consequences of malnutrition cost Pakistan’s economy $7.6 billion every year.

With the help of the World Food Programme, the government has been working on increasing access to food supplements for the vulnerable section of society. But the high incidence of import taxes on the ingredients of food supplements makes it difficult to manufacture them locally. In this Covid-19 period, malnutrition must not increase.

The budget may not be able to set any lofty goals but it should at least save common people from further economic losses and protect the poor from falling into destitution.

The writer is a senior fellow with the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and has served as Pakistan’s ambassador to WTO

Published in The Express Tribune, May 18th, 2020.

Trade, cooperation policies in time of pandemic

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Federal Budget 2020-21

By DR MANZOOR AHMAD

COVID-19 (coronavirus) is an unprecedented catastrophe of modern time. Governments all over the world are looking at all sorts of options and policy tools to meet this challenge.

Pakistan’s government has recently taken many reasonable steps, including adjustment of fiscal and monetary policies to combat this. Still, considering the magnitude of the problem, a lot more will need to be done.

This article points out some other areas where policy decisions are urgently needed.

First, looking at the trade policies, the government has exempted medical and other health care equipment from import taxes initially for a period of three months. It is not likely that within this short period, the objectives will be met, considering that there is an acute shortage of these goods and many countries have imposed export bans.

Importers face severe constraints while entering into any purchase contracts. In case there is any delay, punitive tariffs and other import taxes will be applicable when the goods arrive.

There are very few countries that are usually taxing life-saving medical instruments. Most countries are members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Agreement on Information Technology, which was updated in 2015 to include advanced medical equipment.

Under the agreement, the member countries allow duty-free imports. Pakistan should consider becoming part of this global alliance. Still, if it is not possible immediately, it should not limit the exemption from taxes on life-saving goods to only three months.

In the context of COVID-19, the most urgent problem is the lack of ventilators, which are currently the only option to save lives.

Due to high cost and unavailability at present, groups of local volunteers including engineers, doctors and biomedical professionals are working round the clock to make affordable ventilators and related accessories.

They could take cue from the efforts of an Irish team that has recently developed a 3D-printed mechanically operated ventilator prototype. It is an open-source ventilator implying that anyone can make use of this model to make their own.

Pakistani entrepreneurs may find themselves disadvantaged by the fact that currently the import of 3D printers is not allowed in Pakistan. 3D printers are being used in various countries to meet high demand for reusable plastic facemasks and protective gears for health workers.

These printers build almost anything, including body parts, physiotherapy goods and hospitals.

Even before the current crisis, they were spearheading the digital industrial revolution. Maintaining a ban on their import does not make any sense. We need them urgently to produce mass-customised health care and other products.

Import of insecticides

Another related and foremost issue is last week’s federal cabinet decision to reject a proposal from the Ministry of Commerce to allow the import of insecticides from India even on a one-time basis to control the imminent threat of the spread of dengue fever.

Punjab government’s health care department made the proposal. There is no realisation that just last year there were about 45,000 confirmed cases of dengue fever, including 75 deaths in the country.

If dengue spreads as widely as it did last year, the casualties could be even more than anticipated from the coronavirus.

Since the mosquito that causes dengue fever starts laying eggs in early summer, there is very little time for taking preventive measures. It is hard to imagine the doomsday scenario resulting from the combined havoc from dengue and coronavirus.

Considering the social, economic and political implications of COVID-19, all national stakeholders must adequately be represented in the decision-making process. What we are still missing is a cross-functional COVID-19 response team representing all the three sectors.

There is also a need for frequent virtual meetings of the Council of Common Interests (CCI) to avoid any misunderstanding and ensure a coordinated effort.

In case essential supplies from one part of the country fail to reach another, it can give rise to severe law and order situation.

Global cooperation

As at the national level, cooperation is proving to be a challenge at the international level. Over 50 countries (including Pakistan) have applied new trade restrictions on medical supplies, and the trend is continuing.

But there are some bright spots as well. China is one of the few countries, which having overcome its adversity is now extending material and technical assistance to many other countries including Pakistan.

Many countries are also forming regional forums and funds to fight the crisis. South Asian countries have set up the Saarc Corona Emergency Fund. India has made an initial contribution of $10 million while all other countries have also made their contributions ranging from $5 million from Sri Lanka to $1 million by Afghanistan and $100,000 by Bhutan.

Pakistan is the only country, which is so far staying apart from this regional initiative. The country’s policymakers must realise the importance of cooperation, whether domestic or international.

The writer is the senior fellow at Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and ex-ambassador to WTO

Published in The Express Tribune, March 30th, 2020.

Federal Budget 2020-21

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Federal Budget 2020-21

Federal budget speech 2020-21 notes that the expected recession due to Covid-19 calls for an expansionary fiscal policy. An expansionary fiscal policy aims for greater public spending, which drives up aggregate demand, generating employment opportunities and economic activity. Having mentioned the need for an expansionary fiscal policy without exposure to unsustainable deficit financing, the federal minister presenting the budget speech went on to present a budget with a stated total federal expenditure of Rs. 7,137 B1 as against the revised budget estimates of Rs. 8345.3 billion incurred in FY 2020. As for sustainable debt financing, this year’s budget entails further debt assumption, as the primary balance is still in the negative.

To read more, click the pdf given below:

Federal Budget 2020-21

Prime Policy Note  on Federal budget

Petrol Crisis in Pakistan

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Petrol Crisis in Pakistan

Petrol prices in Pakistan fluctuate every month as the Oil Companies Advisory Committee recommends prices following international oil prices. Pakistan spent $13.93 billion dollars on imports classified under the petroleum group in FY 2019. Approximately 57% of petroleum oil is used for transport.

As per a statement by a spokesperson of Shell Pakistan, an abrupt increase in petroleum demand was one reason behind the depletion of their stocks. However, OGRA contends that there was no shortage of petrol in the country. As per the federal cabinet, OMCs pocketed windfall gains when oil prices were high but were reluctant to bear losses when prices went down.

To read more, download the PRIME note given below:

Petrol Crisis in Pakistan

Policy Note on petrol crises in pakistan