You can set your main menu in Appearance → Menus

Articles

A country with socialist mindset

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

A country with socialist mindset

Ali Salman

To change this, there is need to share stories of wealth creation without subsidy

ISLAMABAD: “Pakistan is a capitalist country with a socialist mindset.” This was aptly stated by a politician a couple of years ago, who is now part of the present government.

I was reminded of this statement when I read this headline recently attributed to the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) chairman. The chairman is reported to have said “NAB was pursuing cases of people who did not have a penny in the 1980s but owned multi-storey buildings today.”

In January 2019, Prime Minister Imran Khan said that Pakistan in the 1970s “went wrong because we had a socialist mindset, which became a deterrent to wealth creation”.

Speaking to Turkish businessmen then, PM Imran continued that though the socialist governments stepped down in subsequent decades, the mindset prevailed among the bureaucracy.

The recent statement of the NAB chairman shows that the socialist mindset prevails today. He is not alone of course. Our academia and media, which together shape the public opinion, are of socialist mindset, while practically following a capitalist model.

Media owners, for example, know quite well how to make money, whether from government ads or from preferring the rating over anything else. To be fair, one would be too naive to equate this behaviour with capitalism. This can be pure commercialism. But here I am using capitalism to offer a contrast.

What is wrong with not having a penny 40 years ago and owing multi-storey buildings today? Why we have largely a negative connotation about wealth in this society?

Part of the answer lies in what the prime minister mentioned. It was the nationalisation drive of the 1970s and the accompanying socialist rhetoric of the Pakistan Peoples Party which created this perception.

Part of the answer lies in our religious interpretations. It is commonly perceived that being poor is a virtue, which goes against the sayings and practice of the Prophet Muhammad PBUH, himself a successful merchant.

Part of the answer lies in the nexus between businesses and the government. This nexus was founded in the 1960s and has only deepened since then.

Today, we witness the manifestation of this nexus in markets such as sugar, wheat, electricity and housing. In markets, where such a nexus is non-existent, we see no problems. For example, in the domestic clothing markets, even the poorest of the poor in our country can afford some kind of clothing.

As compared to shelter and food, the access to clothing is not perceived as a problem. A government footprint in the form of subsidies for the textile sector exists but that is largely directed at the international market. The domestic market of clothing is open.

In order to change the socialist mindset, we need to share stories of our entrepreneurs, especially those who have created wealth without government subsidy.

We need to explain the process of wealth creation to the public. Those who create wealth in a productive manner, also create jobs and products. They are our heroes. They can be our small neighbourhood store owners and can be owners of large factories.

Inevitably, wealth creation leads to wealth distribution. For example, the entry of a new firm in a market, while assuming the market size remains the same, redistributes the pie wider. In many cases, new entrants, through their innovation, expands the market size.

It should be acknowledged that access to capital does give an advantage over those who do not have this access. All said and done, return on capital and return on labour may not converge in the long run.

However, paths to wealth creation through innovation and creative destruction always remain open and do not require capital as a prior condition. For that to happen, we need social arrangements which can provide a minimum level of education, health care and infrastructure for all.

Needless to say that general peace and easy taxation, as Adam Smith argued, remain critical. Pakistanis are great entrepreneurs. They are also reckless rent-seekers. In search for a better society, we ought to create room for creative destruction and entrepreneurship.

This may exhibit in favourable laws for street vendors. This may be done by abolishing all forms of subsidies. This may also be demonstrated through removing trade barriers.

We cannot do all at once. But in order to change our mindset, we need to take these actions. Capitalism may have a negative connotation for many, but certainly having more socialists than capitalists in a country does not augur well for future generations.

The writer is founder of PRIME Institute, an independent think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, November 9th, 2020.

Pakistan’s economy: charting the politics

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Pakistan’s economy: charting the politics

Ali Salman

Country should strive to align good economics with good politics

ISLAMABAD: In his recent blog, while commenting on Pakistan Democratic Movement’s plan to organise rallies and protests, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics staff member Nasir Iqbal has estimated that the direct economic loss (of strikes) is three times greater than the total expenditure on social protection (only 0.6% of GDP allocated for social protection).

Iqbal was of the view that Pakistan could easily alleviate poverty and hunger if the same amount (loss in protests) was invested in the poor. The writer subsequently argued that “if we can restore political stability, the economic potential ranging from human capital to natural resources can quickly change outlook of the country.”

Ironically, similar calls were made when the ruling party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) staged a 126-day sit-in in Islamabad in 2014 forcing the Chinese president, on one occasion, to cancel his trip to Pakistan. There is no guarantee such protests would not be organised again if a new government is in place tomorrow. That is the very nature of a healthy democracy.

Various stakeholders have given the call for a cross-partisan consensus on economic policy to insulate it from political shocks. These calls assume that the economy can be isolated from politics, which is a naivety. A common phrase used is political stability.

If political stability is interpreted as having one leader for a long time, which happened in the case of Malaysia, it can also open doors for deep-rooted nepotism.

On the other hand, we can find examples of countries where the change of the head of government has been much more frequent, such as Japan. Despite frequent changes, Japan has continued on the same economic policy and has maintained a broadly consistent framework of economic governance through its Ministry of International Trade and Industry.

There cannot be even two countries which would follow the same path because of uniqueness in their historical paths and national dynamics, thus I am not proposing to adopt the Malaysian or Japanese model here.

In a vibrant democracy, we should expect the economic policy to change with the change of government. In competitive politics of Pakistan, political parties have contrasting economic visions and they can be genuinely expected to follow their visions once they are voted in.

For example, the PML-N is known for its strong preference for public sector infrastructure spending, which has a strong visual appeal as well as deep spillover impact on the economy. PTI, on the other hand, came to power with the claim of fixing governance first, development later. If there is a third party tomorrow in the government with a free-market orientation, we can expect taxes and tariffs to go down considerably.

There is nothing wrong with changes in the political government and the change itself does not imply lack of political stability. What matters more for investors and businesses is not who the prime minister is or what is his party’s name, instead, it is the quality of regulators, courts and civil bureaucracy, which has a direct impact on the business environment.

If courts develop a knack of interfering in economic policy, the accountability drive freezes decision-making by policy managers, regulators are incapacitated and businessmen stop investing in any growth-enhancing risky ventures. Instead, they park their capital in safe havens either inside or outside the country. At this juncture, it becomes irrelevant who the prime minister is and what is his or her party.

If key institutions are reasonably functional, then politicians themselves become less relevant. It is that point of institutional maturity when a stable economic policy can be crafted. Only then we can expect predictable taxes and tariffs, for example. The mechanisms themselves determine the outcomes. What needs to be done?

To start with, Pakistan needs an open, candid and serious dialogue between the private sector and key institutions of economic governance. This can be organised autonomously without having politicians involved at the first stage, though surely such a dialogue will have its own politics.

Once some points of consensus are evolved, then political parties can be involved. Such a dialogue may lead to certain points of agreement or a new national agenda for growth and prosperity.

A working relationship between the private sector and key institutions responsible for economic management is vital for the country. This can be established even if there are political storms and may even become more crucial in this case. We need to align good economics with good politics.

The writer is the founder of PRIME Institute, an independent think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, October 26th, 2020.

Let consumers, farmers decide

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Let consumers, farmers decide

Ali Salman

Wheat crisis brewing as evident from recent price hike and shortage of commodity

ISLAMABAD: Last week, the Indonesian parliament passed historic laws to liberate its agriculture market from excessive state control, opening up its food trade and increasing the role of private sector.

My good friend Rainer Huefers, who leads a think tank named Centre for Indonesian Policy Studies (CIPS) in Jakarta, has been part of the voices demanding these reforms. Some of the highlights of these changes, as reported by CIPS, are worth consideration by Pakistan’s policymakers as the country is reportedly going to face another wheat, and probably sugar, crisis in a matter of weeks.

Like Indonesia, Pakistan is a populous country and thus agricultural policies have serious implications for the productivity of farmers and food security for consumers. Here is one part of these reforms, which are directly relevant to us.

Just like Pakistan, previously, Indonesian laws only allowed considering imports when domestic supplies were insufficient. The new Indonesian law:

• Acknowledges imports as a legitimate source of food (but also seeks to protect farmers, fishermen and micro and small food actors through tariff and non-tariff trade measures).

• Drops import restrictions as a strategy to support farmers and plans to boost domestic agricultural growth instead.

• Removes penalties on imported agricultural commodities when national stocks are considered sufficient.

• Permits imports of horticulture, livestock and animal products.

It is expected that Indonesian consumers will be able to get cheaper and more nutritional food as a result of these changes. Furthermore, these laws will encourage international investors to return to Indonesia and as a result more jobs will be created for the Indonesians.

Pakistan should seriously study these changes in Indonesia and should conduct an extensive review of its laws. In fact, if such reviews have been made, which is likely the case, then there should be a public discourse leading to policy changes.

In Pakistan, earlier this year, the government, through its Economic Coordination Committee (ECC), decided to export wheat, which it thought was surplus. After a few months, it decided to import wheat, which it discovered to be short in supply.

When it asked the Trading Corporation of Pakistan (TCP) to issue tenders, it failed to decide three times. In the meantime, international prices of wheat went up considerably, while first shipment of imported wheat has just arrived. Precious time and money have been wasted in this exercise.

Wheat stock

On the other hand, the wheat stock available in the country, reportedly in government warehouses, is also waiting for government permission to be released.

I recall how there were deaths and a famine-like situation in Thar a few years ago simply because the deputy commissioner did not sign a letter for some months to release wheat.

In fact, according to some news reports, the wheat stockpiled in some warehouses in Sindh is being infested because the tenders needed to procure medicinal spray could not be awarded.

From support price for wheat farmers to procurement, storage, trade and release of stock, the government permission is needed at each and every stage. Why blame so-called mafia?

Governments have been involved in these decisions in the past as well. These decisions stem from a belief that some ministers and bureaucrats know the supply and demand of wheat better than farmers and consumers.

In their moment of self-belief, they mostly make mistakes because there is no mechanism to centralise information from the market. It is not just about crop size, it is also about expectations of consumers, traders and farmers, which are simply too complex to be understood.

Governments, in general, also believe that if somehow they let these permissions go away, heavens will fall. They see these controls as necessary tools to protect farmers and consumers.

They are sadly mistaken. As Indonesian case of reforms indicate, solutions lie in letting go of these controls, not increasing them.

The impending wheat crisis in Pakistan, as evident from recent price hike and shortage of wheat, is an opportune moment. Let us not allow another crisis. Instead of bureaucrats and politicians, let consumers and farmers make decisions.

The writer is the founder of PRIME Institute, an independent think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, October 12th, 2020.

Investing in Pakistan: what are the issues?

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Investing in Pakistan: what are the issues?

Ali Salman

Board of Investment needs to step up efforts to exploit opportunities which country offers

PHOTO: REUTERS

ISLAMABAD: In my last few weeks before I relocated from Malaysia to Pakistan, I spent several hours in conversations on prospects of investment by Malaysia in Pakistan, and for that matter, from any other destination.

I spoke with government officials, businessmen, private equity investors, financial consultants, bankers as well as those associated with investment-related responsibilities within Pakistan.

I am sharing some general issues, which apply to prospects of not only foreign investment, but to a large extent, also domestic investment within Pakistan. By no means, this is an exhaustive list.

Property rights

Pakistan adopted a policy of encouraging corporate agriculture about 15 years ago. When I spoke about the prospects of commercial farming with better productivity gains, the first question I received was about property rights.

Does Pakistan offer secure property rights for large-scale land acquisitions and are large land parcels available easily free of encumbrance? The last thing an investor would want is losing capital investment, which is land purchase in the case of agricultural business.

Missing information

After a presentation I made to a group of Malaysian investors and business community where Pakistan’s Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry was also present, SME Corp of Malaysia asked a basic question: where Malaysian companies interested in sourcing products from Pakistan can get data about potential companies and products.

In fact, an explicit reference was made of India, for which such information was readily available. It turned out that neither the government nor Pakistani chambers and business associations are equipped with such credible data.

Marketing

Apparently, Pakistan’s government and business associations have not prepared basic documentaries that can introduce basic features of Pakistan’s economy including challenges and opportunities.

While some videos are available that introduce Pakistan’s scenic mountains, investment angle is missing. I could only find videos prepared by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, which were focused on structural and institutional reforms as per their mandate. In this age of digital media, this rather basic shortcoming is not understandable.

Missing projects

On its homepage, Pakistan’s Board of Investment enlists nine natural resources under its appeal to invest in Pakistan. These include salt, copper, coal, gold, cotton, milk, wheat and meat.

It also mentions some generic reasons like population, economic outlook and geostrategic location for investment in Pakistan. However, well-researched project documents, which can identify demand and commercial opportunities, are not available.

Investors need to be ready to act on intelligence before considering moving their capital.

Political stability

Pakistan has achieved considerable stability with successive democratic changes over the last decade or so. However, the common perception is contrary.

Investors still look at Pakistan as a country where frequent government changes and military intervention are a norm. On a positive, they view Prime Minister Imran Khan as a sign of positive change where economic governance is improving.

India factor, negative experiences

Pakistan has not gone into a full-scale war with India for the past 50 years, yet the common perception is that it is a country in constant conflict with one of the world’s largest economies.

Potential investors would always ask existing investors about embarking on in a new destination.

While the presentation by the Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce did communicate that multinationals present in Pakistan have increased their investment considerably, many of the past investment transactions between Malaysia and Pakistan have not been successful. These include investment transactions in areas of telecom, banking and real estate.

While some of these issues do not have an immediate solution, most of these issues are manageable without spending huge resources. Perhaps, the Board of Investment needs to take a fresh look and redeploy its efforts to exploit the opportunities which Pakistan offers.

The writer is the founder of think tank PRIME and has established a platform to promote Malaysia-Pakistan bilateral investment

Published in The Express Tribune, August 17th, 2020.

Pakistan’s petrol crisis: Structural impediments

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Pakistan’s petrol crisis: Structural impediments

Ali Salman

Government should draw right lessons from crisis, improve policy as well as process

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan spent $14.4 billion and $10.4 billion on imports classified under the petroleum group in FY19 and FY20 respectively, according to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics.

Approximately 57% of petroleum oil is used for transport. Petrol prices in Pakistan fluctuate every month as the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (Ogra) recommends prices by following the international oil markets, which are then approved by the government. In June 2020, we witnessed the largest increase in petrol prices, causing agony for consumers but resulting in a windfall for sellers – and the government. Before we go into this, a quick chronology of events need to observed.

On May 31, the government slashed the petrol price by Rs7 per litre, to bring the retail price down to Rs74.52 per litre. A couple of days later, petrol shortage emerged across the country, except for state-operated Pakistan State Oil (PSO) outlets. On June 9, the prime minister directed officials to take stern punitive action against those responsible for the artificial shortage of petrol in the country.

On June 11, Ogra penalised six oil marketing companies (OMCs) with a fine of Rs40 million in total. The supply situation remained unchanged.

On June 26, the government announced an increase in petrol price of Rs25.58, the largest increase ever. Petrol supply returned to normal within hours. As per a statement by an OMC spokesperson, an abrupt increase in petroleum demand was one reason behind the depletion of its stocks. However, Ogra contended that there was no shortage of petrol in the country.

The federal cabinet alleged that OMCs pocketed windfall gains when oil prices were high but were reluctant to bear losses when prices went down.

The Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) issued summons to three OMC heads over suspicion of fuel hoarding to create artificial shortage of petrol in the country.

Many believe that the OMCs have colluded. While this warrants a detailed examination by the Competition Commission of Pakistan, it looks implausible as 50% market share in petrol supply is within the hands of the government through PSO and it is also an integral part of price setting as an OMC.

Since the government is part of the sellers, and is the largest market player, the market-wide collusion is impossible. In fact, one needs to consider the windfall revenue that accrued to the government through a sudden price spike and additional tax revenue. Out of every Rs100, a consumer pays today to buy petrol, he pays Rs45 to the government in the form of petroleum levy (Rs30) and sales tax (Rs14.55).

In April 2018, when crude oil prices were almost double the current levels, this levy was only Rs10. Thus, the government, through its ownership of PSO and petroleum taxes, seems to a major beneficiary from the biggest increase in petrol price at the cost of consumers.

What we need to do?

First, any alleged cases of cartelisation, abuse of dominant position and collusion should be taken up by the Competition Commission of Pakistan and not by the likes of FIA.

Second, the government may consider lowering the high incidence of indirect taxes on petrol to provide relief to consumers and a ceiling on the maximum levy should be observed strictly.

Third, as Planning Commission’s former member energy Syed Akhtar Ali argued, the government should allow independent fuel retailers to operate and should bring all outlets under the umbrella of regulation. These outlets should be allowed to either associate themselves with any OMC or to operate as independent dealer-owned, dealer-operated retail stations to boost competition.

Fourth, the OMCs should be given powers to determine their own retail prices. Currently, Ogra imposes cost-plus pricing, where the crude oil procurement cost is determined by the regulator and a fixed profit margin in rupees/litre is added to it. In a competitive market, the OMCs would be incentivised to procure at cheaper rates. Fifth, rather than Ogra determining import costs, the OMCs may be allowed to negotiate their own contracts, so that better-quality oil can be imported more efficiently.

This is not for the first time we have witnessed petrol shortage. What is important is to draw right lessons from this crisis and improve policy as well as process.

The writer is the founder of independent think tank PRIME

Published in The Express Tribune, July 20th, 2020.

A road map out of Pakistan’s sugar conundrum

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

A road map out of Pakistan’s sugar conundrum

ISLAMABAD: A recent report by the inquiry commission calling for the forensic audit of sugar mills to investigate the increase in prices of sugar alleges widespread practice of accounting, tax and regulatory frauds by the mills.

While I leave this to be judged as per the rule of law, I take this opportunity to highlight structural issues in the sugar sector. The sugar value chain has four main stakeholders – growers, industry, consumers and the government. The sector faces a major conundrum as farmers’ security, consumers’ welfare and industrial survival apply competing pressures on the policy.

The protection of farmers, for example, comes at the cost of survival of the industry and protection of the industry itself comes at the cost of consumer. This article proposes a way out of this conundrum.

Issues

First, the sugar market is distorted, which is manifested in under-pricing of water as input, support price offered to the growers, export subsidy and export quotas for mills, import barriers in the form of high customs duty, high level of sales tax and ban on entry of new sugar mills.

Second, the legal framework is archaic comprising the Sugarcane Act 1934, Sugar Product Control Order 1948, Sugar Factories Control Act 1950 and Control on Industries Establishment & Enlargement Ordinance 1963.

As a result, this becomes a highly controlled sector in which everything including licence, procurement of raw material, start and end of crushing season, entry to market and import or export is controlled by the government.

Third, the government earns more than the private sector in sugar sales. According to Pakistan Sugar Mills Association (PSMA), the government charges Rs15.20 per kg in the form of taxes at the current retail price of Rs83.59 whereas the mills, on average, earn Rs6 per kg.

Fourth, the price of sugarcane is determined by the weight and quantity and is not driven by the quality indicated through sucrose percentage. Furthermore, the entire value chain is driven by cost consideration and not the value through market.

Solutions

Broadly speaking, there seems to be two sets of recommendations to address the issues highlighted earlier.

One set may be referred to as “more government”, which includes strict enforcement of support price, timely payment to growers, closer inspection of sugar mills’ accounts, better quality of data, efficient use of Trading Corporation of Pakistan, more efficient role of institutions like the Sugar Research Board and agriculture price institution, and provincial cane commissioners.

This direction needs more capacity in the government, de-politicisation of the bureaucratic machinery and efficiency in decision-making at the top. It is understood that this approach will be supported by the government as well as large sections of growers’ lobbies. The sugar inquiry report also leans heavily towards this solution. However, the limitations to this approach are obvious.

Another set of recommendations may be referred to as “more market”. This solution includes an end to support price, rationalisation of water pricing, end to export quotas and export subsidy, open trade and open competition with no barriers to entry or exit from the market. This solution is recommended by the Competition Commission of Pakistan (CCP), the industry and many analysts.

However, this is challenged by the proponents of food security. This argument implies that once the government removes the floor price, the growers will stop or reduce sugarcane plantation, leading to shortages. That may have political ramifications including an increase in farm unemployment.

However, if this is associated with open trade and a buffer stock, the food security objective will not have to be compromised. The effect on farm unemployment needs closer examination due to availability of substitute crops.

Way forward

I support “more market” in this case. In the new road map, the government needs to minimise its footprint. It should eventually withdraw from any commercial role including support price, export subsidy/quota and other direct business operations as well as measures through extensive regulations and taxes in the sugar sector.

The role of the Economic Coordination Committee in granting permissions for import or export of sugar should be discontinued. All archaic laws (the Sugarcane Act 1934, Sugar Product Control Order 1948, Sugar Factories Control Act 1950 and Control on Industries Establishment & Enlargement Ordinance 1963) along with concomitant institutions need to be phased out and abolished.

The government may invest in strategic sugar reserves, which can be further complemented by more agile trade operations that should be liberalised instead of limiting them to the Trading Corporation of Pakistan only. The government can finance such operations, if needed, instead of directly managing it.

Mills should be at liberty to export their surplus stock. Similarly, private parties should be allowed to import sugar without seeking any prior approval. Necessary measures to monitor hoarding of stock can be taken to ensure the flow of the commodity without controlling prices.

In the long run, price volatility is an important signal for market participants and should not be suppressed. We need open trade, competition and price rationalisation.

The writer is the founder of independent think tank PRIME

3D printers and national security

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

3D printers and national security

Ali Salman

If curbs remain in place, digital divide between Pakistan and world will widen

ISLAMABAD: While the world is fighting a pandemic and preparing for an impending recession, it seems trivial to discuss 3D printers. But this trivial example does indicate bigger issues at work in public policy.

For starters, the 3D printing process builds a three-dimensional object from a computer-aided design model, usually by successively adding material layer by layer, which is why it is also called additive manufacturing.

The world is entering the fourth industrial revolution, which is mostly based on technologies like robotics and 3D printing. Engineers and designers are now already working remotely and making products with high precision using 3D printers.

3D printing offers an excellent avenue to improve housing, food supplies, healthcare and educational facilities. Due to the intricate nature of the emerging trend of Internet of Things (IoT), no country can afford to restrict the use of 3D printers.

Unfortunately, Pakistan has rather restrictive policies for the import of 3D printers, with the procedure being cumbersome and time-consuming. In 2016, Pakistan placed a ban on the import of 3D printers, citing threats to national security as these printers could be used to manufacture illicit weapons.

While it is correct that some components of weapons can be made through this technology, 3D printing of the most important parts like the chamber or the barrel is extremely difficult, requiring high resistance to heat and explosion. It is much easier to make such parts from a milling machine than a 3D printer.

Countries like Jordan and Thailand, which had imposed restrictions, have now allowed the import to kick-start innovation in industries, healthcare and educational sectors. It is high time for Pakistan to take cue from these countries and allow the import of 3D printers with minimum restrictions.

Currently, Pakistan faces an acute shortage of ventilators amid Covid-19 pandemic. In addition, the shortage of other healthcare products such as face masks and personal protective equipment for healthcare workers is also posing serious challenges.

In this regard, the 3D printing technology can play a pivotal role in meeting the high demand for such essential commodities. It will not only benefit the health sector but also other sectors such as academic institutions, industries and housing.

However, this is possible only if the government allows for and streamlines the import of 3D printers.  In Pakistan, awareness of 3D modelling and printing is gradually increasing and members of the academia, along with industries, are now approaching the laboratory.

3D printers are being used in some areas of the educational, engineering and health sectors. For example, a group of volunteers in Lahore, which includes doctors, biomedical professionals, academics and engineers, has used 3D printing technology to design a device that allows a single ventilator to support multiple patients at a time.

It seems imperative that an ease in regulation rather than strict restriction should be the government’s priority when it comes to handling the proliferation of 3D printer technology, and any such platforms which allow more choices, more competition and more innovation.

Recently, the Ministry of Commerce has issued a notification, allowing the import of 3D printers to ensure the availability of ventilators.

However, it would take some time to see its benefits due to the time needed for import and setting up the technology. In fact, given global restrictions on supply chains, this may be already too late.

What are the bigger issues, which we can discern from this episode of myopic thinking?

If we continue to restrict the use of such technologies, the digital divide between us and the rest of the world will accentuate. We will lose many opportunities of experimentation, trial and innovation, which are preconditions for growth. The coronavirus pandemic is also a good reminder that the national security paradigm, which is cited for restrictions on this technology (and certainly not limited to Pakistan), needs radical transformation.

The security should be defined in terms of human welfare, individual freedom and freedom of technology instead of relying on archaic modes of governance that requires a top-down approach.

The writers are associated with an independent think tank, PRIME, based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, May 4th, 2020.

COVID-19: Food market constraints threaten social fabric

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

COVID-19: Food market constraints threaten social fabric

Ali Salman / BEENISH JAVED

No rules enacted to halt cartelisation, hoarding of essential commodities

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan has recently experienced flour, wheat and sugar crisis which is a result of bad policy, poor regulation and low private-sector capacity.

The Covid-19 pandemic has badly exposed constraints in Pakistan’s food commodity markets and supply chains. It threatens the very nature of social and political fabric of Pakistan.

Despite government’s assurance of consistent food and medicine supplies, there is shortage of essential commodities such as wheat, rice, sugar and medicines due to panic buying as well as supply-side constraints.

The response of the government also remains sluggish. In Sindh, for instance, factories have not received wheat from the government for the last 8 to 10 days, thus resulting in flour crisis.

At present, no rules have been enacted to halt cartelisation and hoarding of the said commodities.

In these rather straightforward economic transactions, bureaucrats should not be playing any role once a policy is defined. They cannot make quick decisions, especially when decision-making is likely to face penalties due to excessive outreach of accountability agencies in the country.

Tariff and non-tariff barriers to medical equipment and medicines are undermining efforts to treat the affectees and contain the spread of the virus. It should be recalled Pakistan has implemented an effective price control system for medicines in the past 20 years. The policy was relaxed a couple of years ago only to be resisted or reversed on the pressure of different quarters. Already, the worst losers of price control of medicines are the consumers.

The knee-jerk reaction of the government facing dual crisis of both constrained supply and excessive demand is to place price control and opt for rationing of supply.

It is certain to cause more harm than good. Very soon, we will see stocks vanish. We have seen it many times. It is high time for the government to reconsider its economic policies for mitigating adverse economic effects of the pandemic. In this regard, there are a few policy suggestions.

First, the government should resist the temptation of controlling prices as this provides wrong signals to both producers and consumers. When prices are controlled, consumers go for panic buying and producers stop investing in supply.

The government should still regulate, focus on supply and take measures against cartelisation and hoarding, especially when it comes to essential commodities such as food and medicines.

Second, as we have advocated in the past, open trade helps in a free flow of medicines and medical equipment, therefore, the government should withdraw tariff and non-tariff barriers at least till the time the crisis is over.

To provide a small example, if Pakistan was a signatory to the Information Technology Agreement (ITA), as we have recommended many a time, duty-free import of medical machinery would be possible today. However, it is noted that the government has relaxed import conditions given the crisis.

Third, the government should re-allocate its resources and should induce commercial banks to re-allocate capital to industries with plans to boost production of critical medical equipment such as testing kits, ventilators and hospital beds on a war footing.

Fourth, the government should announce a new regulation to ensure that the workers on daily wages, employed by the industry, continue to be paid during the closure of factories.

It is something that the government has already declared and it is hoped that the employers implement this, though it will not be sustainable without bringing any fiscal stimulus.

Lastly, the government should re-prioritise Zakat spending and should also encourage private foundations to create a pool of funds to provide cash to informal workers in industrial, agriculture and services sectors during the crisis.

The crisis like this provides a short window of policy reforms. In Indonesia, where strict controls on imports have been placed for the last many decades, the government has been forced to relax these controls, albeit temporarily.

One hopes that Pakistan’s government also learns some lessons. Whereas more investment is certainly needed in the healthcare system, we need to see lesser role of the government in food commodity markets.

For a population of 220 million, with a huge number living in poverty, a lack of access to food items can have the potential of threatening the political fabric of society, risking anarchy.

The writers are affiliated with PRIME, an independent economic policy think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, April 6th, 2020.

Social protection in Pakistan – from income to assets

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Social protection in Pakistan – from income to assets

Ali Salman / Usman Ali

Success demands wide-ranging programme with right choice of beneficiaries, stringent monitoring

PHOTO: REUTERS

ISLAMABAD: According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 2019 report, 21.5% of the population is living in severe multidimensional poverty while 12.9% are vulnerable to multidimensional poverty.

This suggests a relative decline in poverty as compared with 2018 when 24.7% of the population was living in severe multidimensional poverty.

However, Pakistan is still far from the target of Sustainable Development Goals, which is to reduce poverty up to 9% by 2030. To fight poverty, the government needs to come up with a proper poverty reduction strategy and it is time to rethink the whole social protection approach based on income transfer. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) offers an unconditional cash flow of Rs5,000 per month to the deserving families. This amount merely covers the food expense as the price of the basket of food keeps on increasing.

When the families spend all the amount, they start waiting for the aid of the new month. It means they are dependent on government aid and has no proper income generation source. Recently, Prime Minister Imran Khan launched the Ehsaas Amdan programme that would give 200,000 livestock assets to the deserving families (60% women and 30% youth beneficiaries) to improve lives of 1.4 million people.

The total budget of the programme is Rs15 billion and it is a four-year programme that ends in 2023. The prime objective of the Amdan programme is to develop better livelihood opportunities for the deprived families.

It is commencing in 375 rural union councils in 23 of the poorest districts, which are selected on the basis of three parameters – level of human development, level of poverty and food insecurity. In the Ehsaas Amdan programme, deserving families will receive small assets, including livestock (goats, buffaloes and cows), agricultural inputs, rickshaw and inputs for small retail outlets and small enterprises. If put into proper use with an entrepreneurial mindset, these assets will help in income generation.

Ehsaas will help in alleviating poverty, especially in backward areas, and it is structurally different from BISP in the sense that it is offering assets, instead of income transfer.

In the short run, the families who will receive assets will have to bear the cost of maintenance, but in the long run, they can sustainably generate income from their animals and agricultural inputs. A question that arises here is whether offering livestock to families will be useful in poverty alleviation or will it result in an additional burden or just a one-off encashment opportunity?

Many families will find it challenging to bear the day-to-day operational cost. It may be the cost of feed, veterinary care and related expenses. In some cases, the livestock may put pressure on some families, which may lead them to sell their assets.

Secondly, not every family will be able to rear livestock. It can be due to shortage of space in the house or may be due to the illness of the family head. One can also observe changes in the livelihood patterns of rural families. There was a time when rural people were strong enough to do multiple tasks ie crop sowing and animal rearing. Now, many young people do not live or work in rural areas and these rural households are also shifting from farm income to non-farm income.

The government must ensure that there is a fully functional veterinary hospital or a care centre in those areas where livestock will be distributed. Moreover, necessary awareness programmes should be initiated that help the families to fight fatal diseases like the foot and mouth disease in livestock.

Now, let’s have a bird’s eye view of what China did to alleviate poverty. If you look at the poverty level in China back in 1978, you may find that 97.5% of the population in rural areas was living below the poverty line.

The Chinese government initiated different poverty alleviation campaigns to bring a positive change in the people’s lives. Currently, it is focusing on eliminating absolute poverty by the end of 2020. China’s government mainly focused on the provision of education, skill development and creation of employment opportunities near people’s homes. In this sense, Ehsaas is quite different because it is offering assets and interest-free loans that will help in the long run to earn a better living.

Even if some families misuse or underutilise this programme, it is likely to help in generating cash at the time of emergency. Success demands a comprehensive and wide-ranging programme with the right choice of beneficiaries and a stringent monitoring mechanism.

The writers are associated with PRIME – an independent think tank in Pakistan

Published in The Express Tribune, March 2nd, 2020.

Domino Effect of Pakistan’s Wheat Crisis

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Domino Effect of Pakistan’s Wheat Crisis

Ali Salman / Beenish Javed

Fiscal deficit and food inflation will rise; farmers will be hurt by imports

ISLAMABAD: The supply of wheat – one of the major food crops of Pakistan – has faced another crisis, perhaps more severe than ever.

Over the course of a few months, wheat stocks plunged to approximately 4.2 million tonnes – barely enough to meet consumer demand for the next two months. In this article, we will unfold the domino effect of the current wheat scarcity.

The wheat scarcity should not come as a surprise. Mismanagement and uncalled-for state intervention have long been responsible for the dismal performance of various sectors including agriculture.

Government’s agricultural subsidies and procurement schemes have sent wrong signals to the producers. The unnecessary market intervention has opened avenues for hoarders and the black market.

It is pertinent to note that despite the ban on wheat export imposed in July 2019, the government allowed exports of 48,000 tons, which fueled price hike in the country.

Decisions like this are the reasons why such crises continue to emerge every now and then.

That said, the wheat deficit is likely to have certain repercussions for Pakistan’s economy and food security:

1) Increased fiscal deficit: Uncalled-for government intervention is followed by financing of these follies, which will further increase the fiscal deficit, and since imports are involved, the current account deficit will also widen.

2) Hurting farmers: Wheat import is likely to hurt the domestic wheat growers as a shipment of 300,000 tonnes is expected to reach Pakistan by mid-March, which is also the season when the crop gets ready in Sindh.

3) Altering cropping patterns: The wheat crisis, which was imminent from quite some time, is likely to spark a domino effect in other food crops by altering the cropping patterns.

In the face of water scarcity and in the hope of greater profits, the farmers are likely to substitute sugarcane production with wheat cultivation, thereby leading to its shortfall and a subsequent increase in its price. The recent surge in sugar price by Rs9 per kg is partially due to the substitution effect.

4) Sparking food inflation: Keeping in view the hike in prices of eatables, the food inflation is expected to rise further.

The Sensitive Price Indicator (SPI) recorded an increase of 19.69% over a year ago. After the wheat and sugar crisis, the Pakistan Cattle Feed Association and Dairy and Cattle Farmers Association are also demanding an increase in prices of milk to Rs150 per litre.

Since wheat flour, sugar and milk are among the 51 essential items included in the basket of goods and services used for calculating the SPI, an increase in their prices will further inflate the indicator and adversely affect the lower income segments.

Ostensibly, the government intervenes in the agriculture sector in the name of food security. This intervention in the form of support prices for various agricultural commodities has so far been a source of distress for Pakistan’s food security.

Each day a new association or union is demanding a price increase, which will further the case of another government intervention.

It is high time for the policymakers to dig deeper into the root causes of the past and current wheat flour (and other) crises, learn lessons and spell out clearly for all stakeholders as to what precautionary measures need to be taken to avert similar anomalies in the future.

The most important lesson perhaps here is trust the market and allow it to deliver, however, make sure that markets are not distorted by bureaucratic and political influences.

The writers are affiliated with PRIME Institute, an independent economic think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, February 10th, 2020.

Sino-Pak FTA-II: will Pakistan benefit?

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Sino-Pak FTA-II: will Pakistan benefit?

Ali Salman / Beenish Javed

Joint efforts by govt, private sector will turn opportunities into concrete gains

ISLAMABAD: China and Pakistan have signed phase-II of the free trade agreement (FTA), which has become effective on January 1, 2020, 15 years after the phase-I was operationalised.

In this article, we weigh the possible benefits Pakistan can draw from this agreement.

China is already ranked as the second largest export destination for Pakistan with a share of 8% in Pakistan’s total exports, after the United States (17%).

Unsurprisingly, Pakistan’s exports to China are heavily concentrated in a few products such as cotton and rice, which account for 75% of Pakistan’s total exports to China.

China also occupies the largest share in Pakistan’s total imports at 29%. Since the Sino-Pak FTA, the trade volume between the two countries has increased from $2.2 billion in 2005 to approximately $15.6 billion in 2019.

Pakistan’s exports jumped to $1.74 billion in 2017-18 from $575 million in 2006-07. Correspondingly, China’s exports to Pakistan increased to $15.74 billion in 2017-18 from $3.5 billion in 2006-07.

The bilateral trade balance has remained tilted in China’s favour as Pakistan’s exports to China could not keep pace with its imports from the country.

In FY19, the trade deficit with China came down to $10.89 billion, which accounted for 34.22% of Pakistan’s total trade deficit.

According to Adviser to Prime Minister on Commerce and Investment Abdul Razak Dawood, the FTA-II is targeted to generate an additional $500 million in exports in its first year of implementation. Hopes are high.

A review of the new FTA deal reveals that market access given to Pakistan is on a par with Asean member countries – something that was missing in the previous FTA and, therefore, was a major concern for Pakistani exporters.

It also seems that the private sector has been thoroughly consulted before operationalising the agreement.

The FTA-II offers new opportunities to the exporters. This calls for joint efforts by the government and the private sector to turn these opportunities into concrete gains for Pakistan, otherwise, this may become another case of GSP Plus status, which could not be leveraged substantially.

Some challenges to convert this opportunity into material gains are worth repeating.

A high cost of production and the subsequent lack of competitiveness has always been a setback for the major export industries such as textile and leather.

Industrialists should utilise the provisions under the new phase to import cheaper inputs and focus should also be placed on product branding and marketing as this remains a weak area of the country’s trade strategy.

It is pertinent to note that neither the new FTA nor the previous one catered to the stringent non-tariff barriers (NTBs) that restrain Pakistan’s agro-based exports to China.

According to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), in 2016 alone, China initiated and enforced 87 technical barriers to trade and 12 sanitary and phyto-sanitary cases on exports of certain products from Pakistan such as organic chemicals, oilseeds, meat, fruits, grains, seeds, animal fodder, etc.

Including a provision or two on the NTBs in the new FTA could have been beneficial for boosting agro-exports to China.

Since Pakistan will be lowering its tariffs for China on 5,237 items over time, there is a possibility of increased import bill given the nature of those items (high-value products). Not to mention, the devaluation of yuan amidst the US-China trade war is also not auguring well for Pakistan.

Therefore, we should proceed with caution since China has a strong manufacturing base for export of goods as compared to imports.

Nonetheless, the ball is in Pakistan’s court now. It needs to take certain measures so as to ensure exports grow in the long run.

Firstly, it is important that Pakistan examines the impact of reduced tariffs on each product and correspondingly rationalises its import tariffs to avoid trade diversion as happened previously.

Secondly, Pakistan needs to expedite the completion of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) so that Chinese investments can flow into the sectors that will benefit from the new FTA.

Thirdly, there are various internal barriers to trade that require attention such as cumbersome regulations, poor infrastructure, multiplicity of taxes, high energy prices, lack of research and development, just to name a few.

Therefore, unless the government improves the regulatory environment, enhances supply capacity, broadens export basket and takes measures to develop a footprint in global value chains, FTAs will do little to improve Pakistan’s struggling exports in the long run.

The writers are affiliated with PRIME Institute, an independent economic policy think tank based in Islamabad

Published in The Express Tribune, January 13th, 2020.