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5 Ways Government of Pakistan Hampers Free Trade

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5 Ways Government Hampers Free Trade

Pakistan is a country that has traditionally struggled to achieve economic growth, and international trade has often been seen as a key driver of development. However, despite the potential benefits of trade, the Pakistani government has been criticized for placing restrictions on trade, hindering economic growth and development.

If you are more interested in solutions, check out the section on Free Markets, Trade and Price Controls in the Pakistan Charter of Economy

Import Tariffs

Pakistan imposes high import tariffs on a wide range of goods, including raw materials, capital goods, and consumer goods. These high tariffs make imported goods less competitive in the local market and increase their cost, leading to reduced consumer choices and decreased international trade. According to the World Bank’s 2021 report on “Trading Across Borders,” Pakistan ranked 167th out of 190 countries in terms of ease of importing goods. This poor ranking reflects the country’s high import tariffs and complex regulatory procedures, which can be a significant barrier to trade.

Non-Tariff Barriers

In addition to import tariffs, the Pakistani government also places non-tariff barriers on imports. These barriers include quotas, licensing requirements, and technical regulations that can be difficult for foreign exporters to navigate. According to the United States Trade Representative’s 2021 report on “Foreign Trade Barriers,” Pakistan has a number of non-tariff barriers in place that hinder trade, particularly in the agriculture and services sectors. These barriers can be particularly problematic for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) that may not have the resources to navigate complex regulatory frameworks.

State-Owned Enterprises

Pakistan has a large number of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) operating in various industries such as energy, transportation, and telecommunications. The government owns and controls these SOEs, which can lead to inefficiencies, lack of competition, and reduced economic growth. According to a report by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), SOEs in Pakistan have been plagued by governance issues, leading to poor financial performance and a lack of transparency. This can be a significant barrier to foreign investment and trade, as foreign investors may be hesitant to invest in a market dominated by government-owned enterprises.

Energy Subsidies

The Pakistani government provides subsidies on energy products such as electricity, gas, and oil to keep prices low for consumers. While these subsidies benefit low-income consumers, they also lead to inefficiencies and market distortions. According to the IMF, energy subsidies in Pakistan amounted to 1.7% of GDP in 2019, with a significant portion of these subsidies going to the power sector. These subsidies can lead to the overconsumption of energy products and a lack of investment in more efficient energy sources, hindering economic growth and development.

Political Instability

Finally, political instability in Pakistan can be a significant barrier to trade. The country has experienced periods of political turmoil, including military coups, protests, and terrorist attacks, which can disrupt trade and deter foreign investment. According to the World Bank, political instability is a significant obstacle to economic growth and development in Pakistan, as it can lead to reduced investment and increased risk for businesses operating in the country.

In conclusion, the Pakistani government has placed a number of restrictions on trade that can hinder economic growth and development. These restrictions include high import tariffs, non-tariff barriers, state-owned enterprises, energy subsidies, and political instability. While some of these restrictions may be well-intentioned, such as energy subsidies to benefit low-income consumers, they can have negative effects on the overall economy. In order to promote economic growth and development, the Pakistani government should work to reduce trade barriers and improve the business environment for both domestic and foreign investors. This can include measures such as simplifying regulatory frameworks, reducing import tariffs, and improving governance

Calling all writers! Join PRIME Fellowship and share your ideas for a prosperous Pakistan

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Guidelines for Writers

Primarily policy research articles but also any other policy research media outputs produced by PRIME Associate Fellows can be topics relating to the economy of Pakistan, and on the following:

1. Policy realms
2. Economics
3. Energy
4. Agriculture
5. Water
6. Climate
7. Education
8. Healthcare

The standard structure of an output from a PRIME Fellow must be based on

1. Explaining a problem
2. Contextualizing the debate by referring to existing solutions
3. Offering or endorsing a solution consistent with the classical liberal/libertarian perspective

As these articles are designed as a direct contribution to public policy, it is important that the reference to debate should be linked with policy on the ground.

Here’s an example of a Problem – Literature – Solution structure.

Problem: Most Pakistanis do not have access to clean drinking water in their homes

Existing Solutions: For the last many years, various federal and provincial governments have invested billions of rupees in clean drinking water projects centered around provision of water filtration plants, from where citizens can collect water free of cost.
Proposed Solution: will be based on the principles of subsidiarity (local solutions) and cost recovery (user fee) along with necessary investment from the government.
As this example hopefully suggests, these articles should not be empty rhetoric, but based on sound reasoning backed up with argument and evidence.

This opportunity is for the professional development of Young people, and candidates within the age of 21 to 29 years of age are eligible to apply.

Income Tax Proposal for FBR – Budget 2023-24

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Revolutionizing Taxation: PRIME’s Proposal for a Fairer and Simpler Tax System

27, Feb 2023

 

PRIME, an economic think tank, has submitted a proposal to the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) in Pakistan aimed at reforming the income tax system to promote simplicity, transparency, and compliance. The proposal comes in response to the FBR’s solicitation of ideas for the upcoming Finance Bill 2023. The proposal was developed in consultation with the Taxpayers’ Alliance, a group of tax experts from across Pakistan, as well as Mr. Anas Farhan, the Prime Fellow & Vice President of ZTBL. The aim of the proposed reforms is to eliminate taxes that are unjustified, discriminatory, do not contribute to the national exchequer, and have become redundant. This proposal aims to create a fairer and more efficient tax system in Pakistan that can provide sustainable funding for public expenditures.

PRIME INCOME TAX PROPOSALS FOR BUDGET 2023-24:

[pdf-embedder url=”https://primeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/PRIME-Income-Tax-Proposals-23-24.pdf” title=”PRIME Income Tax Proposals 23-24″]

Incredible things happen when PRIME Fellows come together! This proposal was born from their expert input. Click here to get the full meeting rundown.

‘Don’t let this crisis go to waste’

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Don't let this crisis go to waste

It’s rare for a public intellectual to call a full-fledged economic crisis a “great opportunity” that mustn’t go to waste.

“I’m happy we’re in this crisis,” said Ali Salman, an economist with a libertarian bent who serves as the executive director of Prime Research Institute, an Islamabad-based think tank.

Addressing a seminar titled ‘International Monetary Fund (IMF)-Pakistan deal: impact and the way forward’ on Saturday, Mr Salman said the Washington-based lender should demand concrete structural reforms from the government instead of settling for “creative accounting” gimmicks that only kick the can down the road.

According to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, the IMF has demanded conditions that are “beyond our wildest dreams” for the revival of the stalled $7bn loan programme.

The country needs foreign exchange to continue imports of necessary nature but the IMF has linked the disbursement of dollars to economic reforms that have a high political cost.

He praised Hafeez Shaikh, who took the reins at the Ministry of Finance from Asad Umar in 2019, for putting the economy on a path to stabilisation. But his replacement, Shaukat Tarin, went on a spending spree and wrecked the economy by the start of 2022. Fixing the petrol prices was the beginning of the new phase of this economic crisis, he said.

Unlike most mainstream analysts who swoon over Miftah Ismail, who replaced Mr Tarin as finance minister in April 2022, Mr Salman said his policy of blanket contraction of imports damaged the economy.

“About 90 per cent of our imports are non-luxury,” he said, adding that economic activity came to a halt, reducing the trade deficit in the short run but creating bigger problems in the long run.

Ishaq Dar, the incumbent finance minister, has been an unmitigated disaster for fixing the exchange rate and dillydallying on the IMF loan programme. He accused Mr Dar of indirectly creating a black market of dollars in the country for the first time in 30 years.

Mr Dar’s poor signalling on the restructuring of external loans also put significant pressure on the rupee amidst declining foreign exchange inflows.

A strong proponent of flat taxation, Mr Salman opposed the proposal to increase the general sales tax (GST) rate from 17pc to 18pc to help meet the IMF’s demand for higher revenue.

Instead of imposing more and higher taxes on the already taxed, he suggested that exemptions to businesses costing between Rs1.4 trillion and Rs2tr a year should be done away with immediately. Tax exemptions enjoyed by large agricultural landholders and businesses under the Army Welfare Trust should be withdrawn, he said.

As for state-owned enterprises like Pakistan Steel Mills, he said its land should be handed over to a real estate trust and its employees be paid salaries via its dividends.

Speaking on the occasion, former chairman of the Bank of Punjab Dr Pervez Tahir said the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP), under which the federal government carries out development projects, should be put on hold for one year. The freeze should apply to the already-underway development projects as well in order to help the government put its fiscal house in order.

Taking part in the discussion, Sustainable Development Policy Institute economist Dr Sajid Amin said political parties should avoid playing politics on the IMF programme.

The country is likely to witness an economic growth rate of 1-1.5pc in this fiscal year even though some independent economists have predicted negative growth, he said.

Policymakers should prepare for a debt re-profiling exercise as soon as the IMF programme is revived, he added.

This news story was originally published in Dawn, February 5th, 2023

Absence of reforms to address structural issues weakens prospects of economic recovery

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Absence of reforms to address structural issues weakens prospects of economic recovery

PRIME publishes quarterly report on Pakistan’s economy

ISLAMABAD-PRIME, an independent economic think tank, has noted that out of control spending and excessive government footprint have put public sector on the brink of collapse.

PRIME has published a quarterly report, Prime Plus, on Pakistan’s economy comprising an analysis of the progress and developments on the pillars of economic prosperity in CY 2022. The report also contains an analysis of the trends in macroeconomic indicators in the second quarter of FY 2023. The report highlights that Pakistan is facing challenges on the domestic and external fronts, and absence of reforms to address the structural issues has weakened the prospects of economic recovery.

Economic prosperity is contingent upon identifying and resolving problems prevalent in the economy, which otherwise hinder economic activity and efficiency. Dr. Arthur B. Laffer, while analyzing the underlying reasons for recurring crises in Pakistan, highlighted six pillars of economic prosperity. The pillars are deregulate the economy, cut spending, rationalize taxes, reduce trade barriers, establish sound money and privatize loss-making state-owned enterprises. The report highlights that the footprint of the government in the economy is increasing as shown by a continuous increase in the annual recurring expenditures. The current expenditures increased by 15 percent from Rs. 7.5 trillion in FY 2022 to Rs. 8.6 trillion in FY 2023. The grants and transfers increased from Rs. 1 trillion in FY 2022 to Rs. 1.2 trillion in FY 2023. The unfunded subsidies like the provision of cheap electricity to the export sector and agriculture package contribute to fiscal imbalances and deficits.

The taxation system in Pakistan is complex and remains incapable of completely financing public expenditures. The revenue generation has remained skewed towards indirect taxes with a 63 percent share while direct taxes contribute only 37 percent. One of the reasons behind lagging performance is the prevalence of exemptions. In FY 2022, the tax expenditure was Rs. 1.4 trillion or 2.6 percent of GDP. Moreover, large number of taxes and high rates have reduced the compliance of people due to which the government has to extend deadline for filing returns several times every year.

The report indicates that CY 2022 was a spectacle of trade suppression. The government restricted the imports through a complete ban on imports of some goods, requirement of a 100 percent cash margin, blocking of LCs and reducing the limit of international transactions. Moreover, the SBP also jacked up the rates of export financing scheme and long-term financing facility to slowdown industrial activity and imports.

The currency market remained highly volatile in CY 2022 where the rupee lost its value by 28 percent from Rs. 177 in January to Rs. 227 in December. However, it is widely believed that exchange rate was being managed by the government. This management contributed to emergence of three exchange rates in the country; interbank rate, open market rate at which dollar is not available and black market rate at which dollar is being traded.

The governments have been lagging in cutting losses through privatization of loss-making SOEs. The total losses of SOEs in 2019 were Rs. 143 billion and accumulation of debt till May 2022 was Rs. 1.74 trillion. Every year government includes revenues from privatization in budget but did not proceed due to political considerations. The unsatisfactory performance of the government in all the themes has contributed to exacerbation of the crisis. Moreover, the delay in the completion of 9th review of the IMF program can also be attributed to these factors.

The report highlights that political instability in the country has contributed to the deterioration in business conducive environment. The delay in the resumption of the IMF program, trade restrictions, depletion of foreign exchange reserves and currency devaluation are responsible for slowdown in economic activity. The trade restrictions and exchange rate management has not only reduced the current account deficit but led to a fall in exports, remittances and reemergence of informal banking channel for international transactions.

The government is struggling to control inflation and people continue to face a rise in prices and a fall in purchasing powers. The underlying reasons for inflation are not only an increase in international petroleum and food prices but also an increase in money supply at home and a delayed response of the SBP to raise policy rate. Moreover, the restriction on imports also contributed to disruption in the supply of goods and subsequently, the increase in prices due to shortages. There are following steps that the government needs to take to mitigate the crisis. The government needs to reduce its footprint in the economy to create space for the private sector to become an engine of growth. 

The government needs to cut its expenditures to improve fiscal management and move away from domestic borrowing to ensure availability of capital for the private sector. Taxation system in the country needs to be overhauled by reducing the number and rates of taxes to broaden the tax base and promote compliance. Import substitution policy has failed to reap desired objectives. The government needs to open trade by reducing tariff and nontariff barriers to allow transfer of knowledge and technology and incentivize innovation for the domestic industry through exposure to international competition. The government needs to control the monetary expansion by reducing borrowing for public expenditures to control inflation. Market determined exchange rate is the key to stability in the currency market and stopping depletion of foreign exchange reserves. Loss-making SOEs need to be privatized on a priority basis to reduce the burden on the government and pace of debt accumulation.

This news story was originally published in "The Nation" on january 27, 2023

The Public Economists of Pakistan

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The paper brings forth the works of top ten economists of Pakistan, who have actively worked in the policy arena and have remained engaged in the public debate- hence the title ‘public economists.’ Author acknowledges the guidance and feedback of Mr. Ali Salman for developing this paper and also gratefully acknowledges the feedback received from Dr. Nadeemul Haque, Dr. Kaiser Bengali, Dr. Shujat Ali and Dr. Akmal Hussain.

For citation: Obaid, Ayesha (2016). The Public Economists of Pakistan. Islamabad: PRIME.

Click below to read the PDF document online, or download.

Public Economists of Pakistan

Post Budget Roundtable cautions on Budget credibility

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  PRIME Logo IconPost Budget Roundtable cautions on Budget credibility

 

(Islamabad | 13th June 2022) – Budget 2022-23 has come under challenging circumstances when the country is facing both internal and external pressure in the form of fiscal, current account deficits, and rising international commodity prices. Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) and Economic Advisory Group (EAG) have arranged an interactive Post Budget Roundtable where representatives from government, think tanks, academia, private sector, and media participated and contributed to the discussion on Budget 2022-23 which the government presented on the 10th of June 2022. The discussion started with Executive Director PRIME, Ali Salman’s initial views regarding the budget where he supported the government’s initiative on the reversal of tax and subsidy-related incentives to the construction and real estate sector. There has been a long discussion on unproductive investments in the real estate sector, taxing them can encourage entrepreneurship and investments. Referring to the tax regime proposed in the new budget, he added that the government has intentions of broadening the tax net but it needs to follow a different policy approach.

Discussion followed by remarks made by Chairman EAG, Javed Hassan who posed questions on the credibility of the new budget while acknowledging that the job of the Finance Minister in the formulation of the budget was most unenviable given the multiple challenges the country was facing. With reference to the new budget during the government’s ongoing negotiations with the IMF, he was of the view that Pakistan could face extremely onerous conditions where much of the growth is funded through external borrowing. Furthermore, the government must set priorities and allocate the budget efficiently, especially with respect to PSDP. He also sought clarity on how the budget targets of provincial surplus, petroleum levy and GIDC will be achieved. He felt in a democracy such as Pakistan, the public must be made aware of the reality of financial constraints and be prepared to sacrifice growth in the short term to ensure stability and structural reform. He emphasized that if Pakistan were to not revive the IMF program, the government could face greater public outrage than if it were to implement the budgetary measures necessary for reviving the program.

Dr. Vaqar Ahmed, Joint Executive Director at Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) added to the discussion that a budget under a coalition government is always a difficult task. However, the assumptions used during the budget preparation need some realism, and the indicators including projected growth and projected inflation required more work in order to avoid mini budgets in the coming months. The debt procurement strategy in the budget is unclear and there are limitations on how much the fiscal policy in the new budget can address the issues. Despite these ambiguities in the new budget, seven industries have managed to benefit including the pharmaceutical and chemicals.

Dr. Idrees Khawaja, Chief of Research, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) commented on the new budget while calling it a ‘price pass on to the consumer’ budget. There is a need for sensitivity analysis during preparation and before formulation of the budget. Drastic expenditure cuts could have been proposed by the government rather than passing burden to the consumer.

While talking about the sensitive macro-economic outlook of the country, Aniqa Arshad, Project Manager at the Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) highlighted the significant increase in the government employees’ salaries on the cost of common people in the new budget. Like the previous budgets, the government has not come up with better solutions for the loss-making SOEs except for financing them. An increase in the Petroleum Levy has proven that the new budget is a pro-IMF budget and not in the interests of a common man.

Former Senator, Osman Saifullah agreed with the fact that none of the issues in this budget are new to us. Considering the current situation of the economy, to expect a government to come up with long term solutions in a budget is unrealistic. However, the budget should not be sector-specific rather the government should focus on benefiting the masses. He supported new tax measures to impose a tax on real estate income and super tax on banking companies.

Other participants expressed their fears that time was running out and if necessary corrective amendments were not made to the proposed budget, it might fail to win back credulity with the IMF and revive the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program. Should that come to pass, Pakistan faces the prospect of default, which none of the stakeholders would want.

A few of the members of Economic Advisory Group – From left to right; Mueen Batlay, Ali Salman, Javed Hassan, Vaqar Ahmed

Post-Budget Roundtable was organized by PRIME in collaboration with FNF.

For inquiries, please contact saad@primeinstitute.org or call at 03345397644.

Roundtable for tax cuts on telecom

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Roundtable with Telcos

    PRESS RELEASE

 

ROUNDTABLE PROPOSES TAX CUTS ON TELECOM FOR THE BUDGET 2022-23

(Islamabad, April 25, 2022) Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) has organized a roundtable session on the Telecom Sector of Pakistan with an objective to enable discussion on major tax issues in the sector and gather further recommendations for the upcoming Budget 2023. The meeting incorporated stakeholders including Cellular Mobile Operators (CMOs), fixed broadband operators, telecom equipment vendors, mobile phone manufacturers, telecom industry specialists and the Ministry of IT and Telecom.

During the meeting, following recommendations were made for the upcoming Budget 2022-23:

  • Reduce withhold tax on Internet use to 8% – ideally abolish it
  • Harmonize Sales Tax rate on Telecom Services, across all jurisdictions (provinces) to facilitate ease of doing business.
  • Abolish Advance Tax on spectrum auction to reduce the extra burden on Cellular Mobile Operators’ (CMO)
  • Bulk Electricity billing for Mobile Base Stations, in order to remove complexities of Withholding Tax claims by CMOs
  • Reduction in Customs Duty on telecom equipment and optic fibre cables from 20% to 5%, and on batteries necessary for the telecom service providers. Also abolish Additional Custom Duty (2% and 6%) and Regulatory Duty (5%) on these items.
  • Abolish Withholding Tax on import of all types of telecom equipment

Telcos representatives believe that withholding tax on usage is a stumbling block in the growth of the telecom sector, which, through the Finance Act 2021 was reduced from 12.5% to 10%, and 8% was promised for future years. However, through the Finance (Supplementary) Act, 2021 the rate of withholding tax was increased from 10% to 15%. As per one of the officials from the industry, Rs.40 billion tax collection by the FBR every year remains unclaimed, which is extracted from the poor users who do not fall under the income tax category.

During the meeting, stakeholders also proposed a uniform Sales Tax rate for telecom services across all the provinces, that should be in line with other services, in order to promote ease of doing business.

In addition to that, they believe that spectrum is not a property therefore, Advance Tax on spectrum auction should be completely abolished.

Similarly, in case of Withholding Tax on electricity bills of thousands of mobile base stations, the roundtable demanded bulk billing for the CMOs in a move to reduce complexities involved due to the very large number of claims on advance tax. Same is already done in case of bank branches.

Moreover, it was proposed that the Custom Duties on batteries used by the telecom sector (8507.6000 & 8507.2000) should be reduced from 11% and 20% to 5% whereas, Regulatory Duties and Additional Custom Duties should be completely abolished.

Representatives from the Industry added that only 10% of the towers in Pakistan are connected with optical fibers. However, according to research done by the Huawei Company, countries entering the 5G regime have 40% to 50% of towers connected with optical fibers. Neighbouring countries in the region also average between 27% to 30%. On this account, representatives informed that the industry is currently paying 68% in form of duties on imports of optical fiber cables. It was agreed that these levies must be brought down in order to progress towards 5G.

Due to excessive taxes on telecom, the telecom operators claimed that their rate of return on investment is now below the weighted average cost and that they are unable to service their debts.

The discussion concluded with remarks from the Additional Secretary Ministry of IT & Telecom, Aisha Humera, who was of the view that striking the right balance between revenue and growth is a challenge for the government. On a positive note, the Ministry agrees on taking the draft proposal forward to the concerned authorities including the Finance Ministry and FBR. Additional Secretary expressed the hope that while the government will consider these tax cuts, the industry should also commit increasing their investment.

For inquiries, please contact saad@primeinstitute.org or call at 03345397644.

فلاحی پالیسی کی  قیمت

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فلاحی پالیسی کی  قیمت

فلاح و بہبود مفت  ہرگز نہیں ہے کیونکہ ہمیشہ کوئی اس  فلاحی نظام کی قیمت ادا کرتا ہے۔

مصنف : علی سلمان

فلاح و بہبود ایک بے معنی اصطلاح ہے۔ سیاست دان ہر وقت فلاح و بہبود کی باتیں کرتے ہیں اور عوام کی فلاح و بہبود کی بنیاد پر ووٹ مانگتے ہیں۔

فلاحی ریاست کے معروف  تصور  کے مطابق بے روزگاری الاؤنس یا سبسڈی یا خوراک کی فراہمی کے ذریعے عوام کا خیال رکھ سکتی ہے۔

تاہم، یہ واضح ہے کہ ان تمام چیزوں کی فراہمی کو مفت ظاہر کرنے ، یا سبسڈی دینے  باوجود ، فلاح و بہبود مفت نہیں ہے۔ کسی نہ کسی کو  ہمیشہ اس فلاح و بہبود کی قیمت ادا کرنا پڑتی ہے۔ 

یہ وسائل کی تقسیم اور مارکیٹ کی ساخت کا سوال ہے کہ کون فوائد حاصل کرتا ہے اور کون ان کی قیمت ادا کرتا ہے۔ علمی  لحاظ سے، 'فلاحی معاشیات 'اس سے نمٹتی ہے اور ایسی پالیسیوں پر غور کرتی ہے جو معاشرے کے تمام یا زیادہ تر اراکین کے لیے زیادہ سے زیادہ فوائد  مہیا کر سکیں ۔

فلاح و بہبود کی تقسیم عام طور پر آبادی کے ایک مخصوص حصے کے لیے وسائل کی تقسیم کی شکل اختیار کرتی ہے۔

مثال کے طور پر  -  گھر کے قرضوں   (ہاؤسنگ لون ) کے لیے سبسڈی یا رعایت۔  خاص کر نیو کلیئر  خاندانوں پر مشتمل موجودہ نسل  کے لیے مکانات کی ملکیت مشکل ہو گئی ہے ۔ 

پائیڈ (PIDE)  کی ایک حالیہ اشاعت میں، پاکستان سوشل اینڈ لیونگ سٹینڈرڈز سروے ( PSLM 2019-20) کے مطابق قومی سطح پر 70% گھروں کی ملکیت کا حوالہ دیتے ہوئے، 10 ملین گھروں کی کمی کے معروف  تصور کا جواب دیا  گیا ہے۔

تاہم حکومت نے 50 لاکھ گھروں کی تعمیر یا سہولت فراہم کرنے کے پروگرام کا اعلان کیا ہے۔ اس ہدف کے بعد، حکومت نے "مارکیٹ کی ناکامیوں" کو درست کرنے کی کوشش میں مختلف مالیاتی اور  مالی مراعات کا اعلان کیا۔

حکومت  نے رئیل اسٹیٹ میں سرمایہ کاری کو راغب کرنے کے لیے ایک بڑی ایمنسٹی اسکیم کا اعلان کیا۔ اس نے کمرشل بینکوں کے لیے لازمی قرضے کے اہداف بھی مقرر کیے ہیں۔

آج تک، 38 ارب روپے تقسیم کیے گئے، میرا پاکستان میرا گھر فنانسنگ اسکیم سے 10,000 سے زیادہ گھرانوں کو فائدہ نہیں پہنچا۔

دوسری طرف، زمین کی قیمتیں، جو کہ ایک شہر میں ایک گھر کی قیمت کا 80 فیصد لیتی ہیں، صرف دو سالوں میں لاہور اور اسلام آباد جیسے شہروں میں سب کے لیے 60 فیصد تک بڑھ گئی ہیں۔ یہ سب  رئیل اسٹیٹ میں سرمائے کے غیر معمولی بہاؤ کے نتیجے میں ہوا ہے - ایک حالیہ خبر کے مطابق، صرف 2021 میں ہی خالی شہری پلاٹوں میں 19 بلین ڈالر کی سرمایہ کاری  دفن ہو چکی ہے۔

یہ ٹیکس کی چھوٹ اور مالیاتی سبسڈیز کے ذریعے بیان کردہ پالیسی کا براہ راست نتیجہ ہے۔

سبق 1:  غریبوں کے نام پر دی گئی  فلاحی پالیسی سے چند ہزار کو فائدہ ہوا جبکہ لاکھوں افراد  کو نقصان ہوا۔

ان مراعات کی غیر موجودگی میں اور خاص طور پر تعمیری  ضوابط میں اصلاحات کے ذریعے گھرانوں کی اکثریت مستفید ہو سکتی تھی ۔

فلاحی پالیسی کی ایک اور مثال یونیورسل ہیلتھ انشورنس ہے - صحت سہولت کارڈ، جس نے پنجاب اور خیبرپختونخوا ہ میں تمام اہل شہریوں کو 10 لاکھ روپے کا طبی انشورنس فراہم کیا ہے۔

عام طور پر اس کی سب  نے تعریف کی ہے۔ تاہم، ایک محتاط نظر کے ساتھ – اور جیسے جیسے کچھ وقت گزرے گا – یونیورسل میڈیکل انشورنس میں مسائل واضح ہو جائیں گے۔ حکومت کیلئے  بہت جلد اس پروگرام کو  خود سے فنڈز  دینا ناممکن ہو جائے گا جبکہ صحت عامہ کا نظام خراب ہو جائے گا۔ صحت سے متعلق تحفظ کا ایک مختلف پروگرام صحت عامہ کے نظام میں زیادہ سرمایہ کاری کا باعث بن سکتا تھا ۔

ٹوکن  فیس  کے طور پر  ایک چھوٹی اور  معقول رقم  سب کے لیے قابل برداشت ہے اور اسے بغیر کسی استثنا کے ہر ایک سے  وصول کیا جانا چاہیے۔ حکومت کو انشورنس کا نظام سنبھالنے کیلئے  پرائیویٹ سیکٹر  کو ذمہ داری سونپنی چاہئے  تھی ۔

اس طرح وسائل کی تقسیم اور مارکیٹ کی ساخت کے ساتھ ایڈجسٹمنٹ،  کم از کم قیمت پر زیادہ تر آبادی کی فلاح و بہبود کے لیے کام کر سکتی ہے۔

سبق 2:  یونیورسل اور عوامی طور پر فنڈ شدہ  ہیلتھ انشورنس ایک ناقص  خیال ہے اور حکومت پبلک ہیلتھ کیئر سسٹم میں سرمایہ کاری کر کے مزید بہتر نتائج  حاصل کر سکتی ہے۔

فلاحی پالیسی کی ایک اور معروف  مثال قیمت  کو کنٹرول  کرنا ہے۔ وزیراعظم اور وفاقی کابینہ اچھے ارادوں  کے ساتھ پھلوں اور سبزیوں کی قیمتوں کی نگرانی کرتے رہتے ہیں۔

حکومت نے قیمت  کنٹرول کرنے کیلئے   کمیٹیاں قائم کی ہیں اور پہلے سے زیادہ پرائس انسپکٹرز کی خدمات حاصل کی ہیں۔

قیمتیں صرف بڑھ رہی ہیں۔ اگر حکومت نے دو  ستونوں  والی حکمت عملی پر توجہ مرکوز  کرنا  تھی تو  -  زرعی پیداوار میں سرمایہ کاری کرتی اور سرحدی تجارت کی اجازت دی جاتی ، تو  اس سے ہمیں قلیل مدتی اور طویل مدتی حل فراہم ہو سکتے تھے ۔

دوسری طرف، قیمتوں کے کنٹرول نے اس بات کو یقینی بنایا ہے کہ کوئی بھی زراعت میں سرمایہ کاری نہ کرے، اس طرح قیمتیں کم رکھنے کے اہم  ہدف کو نقصان پہنچا ہے۔

قیمتوں کا کنٹرول،  سرمایہ کاروں اور تاجروں کو یہ  واضح اشارہ  فراہم کرتا  ہے  کہ  – کاروبار میں داخل نہ   ہوں۔

سبق 3: قیمتوں کا کنٹرول فلاح و بہبود کو مسخ کرتا ہے۔

فلاح و بہبود کی پالیسیوں کو کارکردگی اور مراعات کے ایک سادہ نظریاتی سوال پر رکھا جانا چاہیے۔ فلاحی معاشیات کو ایک بار پھر سے لانے کے لیے، کوئی بھی معاشی سرپلس  (صارفین کے سرپلس اور پروڈیوسر سرپلس کا مجموعہ) کو دیکھ سکتا ہے ۔  میں اپنی رکاوٹوں کے پیش نظر یہاں ایک مالی مساوات بھی شامل کروں گا اور کسی بھی پالیسی کے مالی بوجھ بننے کے خلاف احتیاط کروں گا۔

جیسا کہ اوپر دی گئی تین مثالیں بتاتی ہیں، ہر معاملے میں فلاحی پالیسیوں نے  دی گئی مراعات کو مسخ کیا ہے اور حقیقت میں فلاح و بہبود کو کم کرنے میں اہم کردار ادا کیا ہے۔ یہی وجہ ہے کہ ایسے فلاحی پروگرام کو ڈیزائن کرنا بہت مشکل ہے جو زیادہ نقصان کے بغیر مجموعی بہبود میں اضافہ کو یقینی بنا سکے۔

حکومت کے لیے ایک دانشمندانہ آپشن ہو سکتا ہے کہ کوئی فلاح و بہبود ہرگز  نہ کریں، خاص طور پر اگر وہ  بہتری  سے زیادہ نقصان پہنچانے کے لیے تیار  ہوئی ہو ۔

 

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یہ مضمون ایکسپریس ٹریبیون میں 28 فروری 2022 کو شائع ہوا۔