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Report: An Empirical Critique of National Tariff Policy 2019-2024

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Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) has released its latest report titled, “An Empirical Critique of National Tariff Policy 2019-24” on 29th October 2024.

The report analyses the tariff structure and its impact on trade contraction in Pakistan. The National Tariff Policy 2019-24 prescribed departing from using tariffs as a revenue collection measure, but that specific policy proposal was not put in practical use. As such, the impact of its lopsided tariff structure—the number of tiers and slabs—proved to impede industrial growth while causing delays and inefficiencies in the promotion of manufacturing exports from Pakistan.

Authored by Dr Nadia Tahir, a PRIME research fellow, and Usama Abdul Rauf, this report offers an examination of the soon-to-be-lapsed policy. For Pakistan’s trade policy to assume a robust framework, the report recommends the simplification and gradual reduction of tariffs.  Furthermore, a review every 10 years of the tariff policy is recommended for the tariff policy to remain relevant and effective in achieving its objectives.

During the last 5 years, distortions in tariff policy have increased significantly. It has restricted trade and adversely affected growth in Pakistan. Using petroleum products, chemicals and minerals for revenue collection is a hindrance in becoming a part of global value chains. Frequent changes in tariff structure and rates is another area which needs the attention of our policymakers. 

“Empirical evidence proves that a uniform tariff rate is the most efficient way to handle trade policy…Optimizing revenue would be easier at a uniform rate rather than calculating custom duties at different rates. One can calculate the nominal protection rate, but it would be challenging to calculate trade intensity and effective tariff rates,” concludes the report.

Dr Ali Salman, Executive Director at PRIME, speaking at the occasion said that we should stop using custom tariff and import taxation as a revenue tool, and should use this as a tool of industrial policy. 

As was observed in the report, Pakistan’s import structure shows that commodities with low tariff rates have higher trade volumes. The government’s imposition of high tariff rates and Non-Tariff Measures (NTMs) on certain products would not completely discourage their consumption. Instead, a preference for under-voicing and smuggling over regular channels will materialise.

Parliamentary Secretary, Dr Zulfiqar Ali Bhatti, who attended the event as Chief Guest, spoke about how aid categorically impedes economic growth, recommending trade volume as an indicator of prosperity. 

Pakistan has to sell to the world, for the country to reap the benefits of international trade. In this respect, the cascading principle outlined in the National Tariff Policy 2019-24 insulates the local industry from global market opportunities. Hence, a considerable part of the economy is riding on the next five-year national tariff policy.

For further information, contact our Communications Officer Ms. Sumaira Waseem at sumaira@primeinstitute.org or call +92 300 558 2472. 

Upcoming Event: 4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum

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4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum

Tax Policy For Growth

We are excited to announce the upcoming 4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum: Tax Policy For Growth, organized by the Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) in collaboration with the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Pakistan.


The Pakistan Prosperity Forum is PRIME’s flagship annual economic policy event, bringing together a diverse group of stakeholders, including policymakers, economists, academics, and business leaders, to explore actionable solutions for sustainable growth and prosperity. This year’s theme, “Tax Policy for Growth,” will focus on reforming Pakistan’s tax regime to drive economic expansion.

In recent years, the government has emphasized tax enforcement over much-needed reforms in tax policy. At this year's forum, we will examine opportunities for improvement in the current tax system.

We are honored to have Mr. Aleksi Aleksishvili, former Finance Minister of Georgia and architect of significant tax reforms, as our keynote speaker. In collaboration with the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE), PRIME will also present a comprehensive tax reform proposal as an alternative to the existing regime.

We are pleased to share that the Minister of State for Finance and Revenue, Mr. Ali Pervaiz Malik will be addressing the 4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum as Chief Guest.

Event Details:
Date: Thursday, 14th November 2023
Time: 09:00 AM to 2:00 PM
Location: Islamabad. Pakistan.


Programme Outline:
PPF 2024 Final Agenda
For inquiries or more information, please feel free to reach out to sumaira@primeinstitute.org.

4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum 2024

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4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum

The Dangers of Tax Progressivity and Super Tax

What is this year's theme?

The 4th Pakistan Prosperity Forum is designed as a pivotal event bringing together influential leaders from various sectors. It facilitates meaningful dialogue and innovation aimed at tackling economic challenges. This year, our focus is on the Tax regime. Join us to engage in transformative discussions!

How can I participate?

Participation is straightforward! You can request an invitation by writing to saad@primeinstitute.org. Be sure to secure your spot early as spaces are limited! This event is an invaluable platform for networking and enriching your understanding of Pakistan’s socio-economic landscape.

What topics will be covered?

The forum will cover a wide range of topics, including the problems with progressive taxation, the benefits of flat taxation, the trade taxation regime, and a critique of the present income and sales taxation regime, including most notably the Super Tax.

Who are the key speakers?

This year on the speaker’s roster, we have: 

  1. Mr Alexi Aleksishvili, Former Finance Minister of Georgia
  2. Rizwan Rawji, Belgian Supply Side Economist 
  3. Dr Ali Salman, Economist PRIME
  4. Dr Mahmood Khalid, Economist PIDE

What is the forum's impact?

The forum strives to make a significant contribution towards fostering innovation and collaborative approaches among stakeholders. Insights gained help shape policies and strategies that drive policy improvement, and sustainable growth across various sectors of Pakistan’s economy.

Are there networking opportunities?

Absolutely! The forum is meticulously structured to include various opportunities allowing attendees ample opportunity to network with like-minded individuals, professionals and key decision-makers. It’s a powerful chance to establish valuable connections and collaborations.

What resources are available?

A wealth of resources will be made available, including expert papers, guidelines, and case studies focused on the issues at hand. These materials can greatly aid participants in their understanding of the topics discussed at the forum, and beyond.

When and where does the forum take place?

Mark your calendars! The forum will take place on November 14th 2024, at the prestigious Marriott Hotel, Islamabad. Don’t miss this incredible opportunity to engage in impactful discussions about our beloved Pakistan!

Need further assistance?

If you have any more questions or require additional information, please don’t hesitate to contact us. We’re here to help you!

The Repeated Privatization Attempts in Pakistan

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The Many Privatisation Attempts in Pakistan

Introduction

Privatization, a policy shift aimed at rebalancing the roles of the public and private sectors in government policies (Smith & Lipsky, 2009), has been a prominent focus for decades. Auctions, divestitures, tenders, initial public offerings, and global depository receipts are some of the common methods employed for privatization (Qureshi, Iftikhar, & Raza, 2020). Auctions have been the most popular method, accounting for 37.5% of privatization efforts, followed by divestitures at 13.6% and tenders at 15.91%.

The paradigm shift towards privatization gained momentum following the oil price shock and economic crises triggered by state-owned enterprises. This shift led to a widespread endorsement of privatization by international donor agencies, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. In the late 1980s, many countries, including New Zealand, Czechoslovakia, Latin American nations, and sub-Saharan African countries, began to sell off their state-owned enterprises.

However, underdeveloped and emerging economies continue to rely heavily on state-owned enterprises. Globally, there are still 1500 state-owned multinationals with over 86,000 subsidiaries (Karimkhan, 2018). Half of these multinationals are based in emerging economies, while one-third are in Europe. In Pakistan, as of 2018, state-owned enterprises contributed 10% to the GDP and generated 0.5 million jobs. Unfortunately, the losses incurred by these enterprises have placed a significant burden on the budget, consuming nearly Rs 1.3 trillion of taxpayers’ money in total liabilities and debt. The annual average losses of state-owned enterprises have reached Rs 900 billion.

Overview of Pakistan’s Economic Structure and Privatization

Privatization is crucial for discouraging rent-seeking behavior by the government and promoting firms’ profit maximization. However, the government may retain strategic sectors or commodities where social optimality differs from that of private firms (Naqvi & Kemal, 2002). The primary objectives of privatization include reducing the fiscal deficit caused by state-owned enterprise losses, improving production efficiency, increasing employment opportunities, boosting investment and savings, and stimulating economic activity.

Privatization is essential for enhancing market structure, and the goals of small-scale and large-scale privatization differ. The effectiveness of privatization varies depending on the economic conditions, such as unemployment and inflation levels. Small-scale privatization is generally more beneficial in economies with high unemployment and low inflation, while large-scale privatization is more suitable for addressing significant fiscal deficits.

The presence of state-owned enterprises has deterred foreign investors from investing in Pakistan due to the substantial stakes involved. To attract foreign investment, Pakistan needs to create a free and competitive market environment. Mehmood and Faridi (2013) analyzed the minor effects of privatization on Pakistan’s economy, using figures, descriptive statistics, a correlation matrix, and year-wise percentage changes in selected variables due to a lack of data. The government has divested state-owned enterprises through 167 transactions worth Rs 467.421 billion. Their analysis suggests that privatizing state-owned enterprises can benefit the government by increasing revenue. They emphasize the importance of transparency in privatization to achieve the goals of a competitive market and nation-building.

A robust financial system is essential for a country to mobilize domestic savings towards efficient businesses. Khalid (2006) highlights that Pakistan’s financial sector, particularly the banking sector, was nationalized in the early 1970s. In contrast to the 1970s policies, the government reversed its stance and initiated privatization and reforms in the banking sector during the 1990s. By the end of 2002, the public sector’s share in banking had decreased to 41% from 92% in the 1990s.

Khalid (2006) analyzed the impact of liberalization and privatization on the banking sector using the CAMEL framework (capital adequacy, asset quality, management soundness, earning and profitability, liquidity, and sensitivity to market risk). The study concluded that privatization had a positive effect on the banking sector, leading to increased transparency and efficiency in operations.

An empirical study by Qureshi, Iftikhar and Raza (2020) found that the fiscal deficit is a key factor influencing the decision to privatize. They also identified other exogenous variables that influence privatization decisions, such as government will, the influence of international institutions like the World Bank and IMF, and inflation rates. They concluded that privatization tends to increase when inflation rises but can be hindered by increased GDP.

Historical Perspective of Pakistan’s Economic Structure and Privatization

Pakistan has experienced a history of economic ups and downs. Economic challenges have persisted since its independence, with each government adopting different approaches. Understanding the historical context provides valuable insights into Pakistan’s economic journey.

Pakistan in 1947-71: Pakistan’s economy experienced moderate growth during the era of General Ayub Khan (1958-1969), with GDP growth rates exceeding 5%. However, this growth was concentrated in the hands of a few wealthy families, leading to a significant disparity between the rich and poor. The private sector was efficient during this period, despite being controlled by a select group of 22 families.

Pakistan’s Nationalization in 1971-78: The Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto era witnessed a shift towards socialism and the nationalization of key industries. This policy had negative consequences for businesses, industries, and investors, deteriorating the market structure. The transition from a capitalist approach to a partially communist one led to increased tensions between labor unions and the business class. The nationalization program, implemented in three phases, encompassed various industries, including metal, engineering, petrochemicals, cement, and public utilities. However, the nationalization resulted in significant losses for the economy, including inefficient production techniques, bureaucratic involvement, and increased fiscal burdens.

Reversal of Pakistan’s Nationalization in 1978-88: General Zia ul Haq, who became president in 1978, reversed the nationalization policy initiated by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Despite his limited economic expertise, Zia entrusted economic management to a team of technocrats. He successfully denationalized several industries, particularly ginning mills, but faced challenges in privatizing others due to various factors, including lack of private sector interest and conditions set by previous owners.

Pakistan’s Privatization in 1988-90: The Pakistan People’s Party, led by Benazir Bhutto, won the 1988 elections and prioritized privatization. A British advisor, Rothschild, recommended a widespread ownership model involving small savers to enhance the capital market. The government initiated privatization of several key assets, including Habib Bank, Muslim Commercial Bank, PNSC, PIAO, PSO, SSGC, and SNGPL. However, some privatization efforts were abandoned due to a lack of private sector interest.

Pakistan’s Privatization in 1990-93: The Islamic Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) government, which came to power in 1990, continued the privatization agenda. Their objectives included reducing government expenditure, expanding the private sector, modernizing state-owned enterprises, and creating a liberal and competitive market. They planned to privatize 118 state-owned enterprises through a bidding process, but only managed to privatize 69 units during their tenure.

Pakistan’s Privatization in 1993-95: The Pakistan People’s Party, under Benazir Bhutto, again prioritized privatization upon their return to power in 1993. They established a privatization commission to accelerate economic development and reforms. The commission categorized state-owned enterprises into three groups and implemented three privatization methods: open bidding, stock exchange, and strategic investors. During this period, several major SOEs were privatized, including General Refectories Limited, Harnai Woolen Mills Limited, Lyllpur Chemical and Fertilizer Limited, Republic Motors Limited, Spinning Machinery of Pakistan, and Hazara Fertilizer.

Statistics Relevant to the Period 1988-1995

Privatization was a common theme among all political parties that ruled during the period 1988-1995. The government received Rs 34.531 billion through privatization, but a significant portion, Rs 600 billion, was used to pay off debt. Additionally, Rs 1600 billion was allocated to the Social Action Program (SAP), a public sector development plan.

Conclusion

The three-phase privatization process from 1988 to 1995 faced several challenges, including a lack of consensus among relevant parties. The government’s failure to involve labor unions and social partners in the policy-making process contributed to resistance and opposition. While there is a perception that public enterprises are inefficient, many private enterprises also struggle to meet the requirements of the Privatization Commission of Pakistan.

Common issues associated with privatization include regulatory reforms, job losses, monopolistic behavior by private firms, and the establishment of inadequate regulatory frameworks. It is crucial to implement a comprehensive legal framework and operating mechanism for privatized state-owned enterprises.

Many governments in Pakistan continue to prioritize privatization, but the lack of a long-term implementation program is hindered by political and economic uncertainties.

References

Alam, K. (2016). Bhutto’s economic policies were disastrous for Pakistan. The Express Tribune.

Bellingham, J. (2016). The 1968-9 Pakistan revolution: A students’ and workers’ popular uprising. Marxist Left Review, 12, 2016.

Bokhari, S. (1998). History and evolution of Privatization in Pakistan. National Seminar on Privatization held on Sep,

Burki, S. J. (1988). Pakistan under Zia, 1977-1988. Asian Survey, 28(10), 1082-1100.

Fatima, G., & Rehman, W. (2012). A review of privatization policies in Pakistan. Interdisciplinary Journal of Contemporary Research in Business, 3(9).

Goel, R. K., & Budak, J. (2006). Privatization in transition economies: Privatization scale and country size. Economic Systems, 30(1), 98-110.

Karimkhan. (2018). State-owned enterprises in Pakistan — a drain on the economy. Daily Times.

Khalid, U. (2006). The effect of privatization and liberalization on banking sector performance in Pakistan. SBP Research Bulletin, 2(2), 403-425.

Mehmood, K. A., & Faridi, M. Z. (2013). Effects of privatization on economic performance in Pakistan. Middle-East Journal of Scientific Research, 16(5), 729-743.

Naqvi, S. N. H., & Kemal, A. (2002). Privatization, efficiency and employment in Pakistan. In How Does Privatization Work? (pp. 244-267). Routledge.

Qureshi, A. A., Iftikhar, S. F., & Raza, H. (2020). Macroeconomic Determinants of Privatization in Pakistan. PAKISTAN BUSINESS REVIEW, 385.

Raza, S. R. (1976). Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto The Architect of New Pakistan.

Sajid, M. A., & Chaudhary, A. (1996). Historical Development of Liberalization since 1947 in Pakistan. Pakistan economic and social review, 179-192.

Shafqat, S. (1996). Pakistan under Benazir Bhutto. Asian Survey, 36(7), 655-672.

Smith, S. R., & Lipsky, M. (2009). Nonprofits for hire: The welfare state in the age of contracting. Harvard University Press.

wood, A. (2009). Introduction. In Pakistan’s Other Story: The Revolution of 1968-69. Wellred.


Author: Maaz Khan is currently pursuing his M.Phil. in Economics from PIDE, Islamabad.  

Plans on Cutting Down the Government’s Size

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Plans on Downsizing the Government

 

cutting down government size

By Dr Khalil Ahmad

At the turn of this century, the economic-intellectual scene in Pakistan was totally dominated by economists, who never gave a thought to the growing size of the government.

Although it is still they who largely define the national economic scenario depending on the ever-increasing size of the government, an alternative economic narrative has emerged that is becoming clearly visible. Now, the government has to acknowledge its bigger and bloated size and do something about it. This dent in the dome of the statist economists has been caused by the slow and steady hammering by a group of classical liberals who, around the year 2000, started questioning the rationale of the unlimited size of the government, the delivery of which was nothing but zero. At present, it has entered the red zone.

As this group, which initially consisted of a handful of persons, gradually won the support of intellectuals and economists from other domains and institutions, their views generated a hum and, finally, their strengthened voice somehow succeeded in resonating in the closed ears of those slumbering in the power corridors.

It was in March this year that the incumbent prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, formed a committee and tasked it with reducing the federal government’s size and rationalising pension and development expenditures. The main objective of the committee was to suggest institutional reforms and cut the size of the government.

In fact, there have been now and then, a plethora of attempts by various governments at rightsizing and downsizing its body politic, but these have always proved to be merely political fads.

Likewise, as is the case, almost every government fashionably tries to present itself as a frugal one, and thus goes for austerity and cutting expenditures, though no substantial saving comes out of it but a bigger spending somewhere else. It’s all a cycle of penny-wise, pound-foolish optics.

Like a government that is in dire economic straits, the Shehbaz Sharif administration too, who knows, may be acting in earnest or not in earnest, however, apart from any political and such optics, the government has put the issue of the size of the government at least on the table and on its agenda. Not only did the government put it on the agenda, it has set parameters to proceed in this regard. Somehow, that’s a good omen.

Soon after the announcement of 2024-25 budget, the prime minister constituted a high-powered committee on rightsizing the federal government for a detailed review and analysis on the basis of the initial work done by an earlier committee. The committee is going to present its recommendations within 75 days to the prime minister.

The terms of reference of this committee are as follows:

1) Propose an architecture for functions of the federal government that can be undertaken in private mode; ascertain functions requiring public finances that can be performed in private mode; and analyse whether the remaining functions have an appropriate and economical architecture corresponding to them.

2) Determine the functions that are entirely provincial with no international obligation and without affecting the common market principles.

3) Recommend a concrete plan with a clear way forward and methodology, along with ascertainment to safeguard assets, human resources and other ancillary issues.

4) Any other issue relevant to the scope of work assigned to the committee.

Given the historical track record of various governments, one must remain sceptical with a tinge of hope about something to materialise in reality this time around. Notwithstanding the longstanding despair, there is no denying the fact that the issue of the size of the government is finally on the agenda, and future governments will also not be able to ignore it.

originally published in The Express Tribune on August 05, 2024

Reforming without restoring trust

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Reforming without restoring trust

There is sheer absence of governance and long-gone trust between govt and businesses

By Dr Khalil Ahmad

A new narrative of “home-grown solutions” takes the lead. A piece by Dr Ishrat Husain endorsing it appeared in The News on June 8. 

It’s a good omen that the narrative of home-grown solutions is making waves, though not in government circles, and only in the domain of civil society thinking (this thinking takes shape mostly in WhatsApp group chats and published writings). After cursorily enlisting “home-grown solutions” prepared over the last six years, that is, plans, reports, proposals, etc produced locally, Dr Ishrat Husain concludes his piece by proposing a number of measures.

It may be noted here that PIDE VC Dr Nadeemul Haque terms a lot of these home-grown solutions donor-funded. Husain proposals include bringing in 60% of the economy into the tax net, reducing the sales tax rate, privatising the loss-making SOEs, targeted energy subsidies for the poor, expanding the BISP’s scope, restructuring and reducing the size of the government, devolving power and diverting development funds from legislators to the directly elected local governments (LGs). I don’t aim to contest the proposed measures here, though I strongly disagree with a few of them. My concern is the entire political-economic environment within which an attempt to implement these and other reforms can be made. 

There are certain truths written on the wall. Nobody, including the politicians, deny them. At the same time, no government dares address them. They are like chronic diseases that have plagued Pakistan from the day one. So much so people, especially businessmen, have learnt to live with them. 

The pivotal one is political instability. Rules of the game are not adhered to by anyone, whether they are political parties, the security establishment, or the judiciary. They all trash some or all the rules and laws now and then, the last two being the habitual reprobates. As a rule, a bit of political instability within a certain limit is tolerable, as can be witnessed in India, the US or elsewhere. Actually, it’s political instability, pure and unmixed.

But in the case of Pakistan, the predominant cause of political instability is the stronger foothold of the security establishment. It is that factor that makes political instability too fatalistic. Differences among various political parties take place on a spectrum, the two ends of which are subsumed under leftist and rightist leanings. And the pendulum continues to oscillate between these two extremes, representing the changing views, economic thinking, and shifting loyalties of the electorate. Moreover, impure political instability gives rise to distorted political economics which, in turn, helps manipulate economic choices in the political domain. Under these circumstances, the political parties safely ignore the need to address the economic problems facing citizens, especially the businesspeople.

They know well that they are not accountable to the people. That explains the sheer absence of any governance and the long-gone trust between the government and businesses, the foundation of which was initially uprooted by the “Awami” nationalisation. Hence, political instability, as the mother of all instabilities, removes any semblance of continuity in the economic framework that sustains economic policies across governments.

There is perennial uncertainty lurching in the environment; nobody knows what’s going to happen the next day. Not only does that disincentivise the spirit of entrepreneurship immeasurably, but that has also made a substantial section of the big business to look to the government for tax exemptions, subsidies, favoured status, etc. A class of rentier businessmen has also emerged. Under this political-economic environment, talking about any such reforms is easier than implementing them. No political consensus exists among various political parties; they too live in uncertainty.

The PPP, a coalition partner of the federal government, opposes the PML-N’s attempt to privatise PIA. And you see how the chatter of a charter of economy has already fizzled out. In trying to address this issue, another forum, SIFC, may accomplish the least of what needs to be done. A reform agenda is not on the table of the SIFC either. At most, they may privatise a few SOEs and bring in a bit of G2G FDI.

If there is any will to do anything worthwhile on the part of the powers that be, they must try to convene a grand dialogue and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission should be an integral part of it. All the real and unreal stakeholders – the security establishment, judiciary and political parties – should participate. Civil society organisations, such as Pildat, Fafen and the media should be there as observers.

Thus, after admitting their unconstitutional acts, they all should sign a pledge to start a new era of constitutional rule. That may bring the crucially required political stability that would beget trust between the government and businessmen, especially, and the people at large. Under this new environment of trust, an agenda of reforms may successfully be implemented. Lesson: Before going for any reforms, create a conducive environment wherein reforms may prove fruitful.

The writer is affiliated with the PRIME institute as a distinguished research fellow

This article was originally published in The Express Tribune on June 24, 2024

TAX PAYERS ALLIANCE PAKISTAN CRITIQUES THE FEDERAL FINANCE BILL 2024: CALLS FOR COMPREHENSIVE TAX REFORMS

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TAX PAYERS ALLIANCE PAKISTAN CRITIQUES THE FEDERAL FINANCE BILL 2024: CALLS FOR COMPREHENSIVE TAX REFORMS

Tax Payers Alliance Pakistan (TPAP) – an initiative of economic think tank PRIME (Policy Research Institute of Market Economy), had an insightful discussion, debate and deliberations of its members on the Federal Finance Bill 2024 presented in the Federal Budget 2024-25 on 12th June 2024.

The general consensus among members of TPAP is that the government has made no significant efforts to broaden the tax base. The latest budget, as is typically the case, remains focused solely on revenue targets rather than implementing meaningful reforms. The government’s approach has been to tighten the withholding tax regime in order to meet its revenue goals, rather than undertaking substantive measures to broaden the tax base.

The existing tax system is riddled with discriminatory exemptions, rebates, credits, concessions and reduced rates that have not been adequately addressed. Many clauses in the Second Schedule of the Income Tax Ordinance 2001 give rise to unfair treatment of certain taxpayers and should have been omitted. Specifically, Clauses 51, 52, 53A, 55, and 56 of Part-I, as well as Clause 27 of Part-II of the Second Schedule, should be abolished on an immediate basis. Moreover, the extension of tax exemptions to the erstwhile FATA/PATA regions is unwarranted and should not have been continued.

Moreover, Section 41 of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001, which exempts agricultural income from Federal income tax, is proposed to be omitted. Although this exemption allows provinces to independently tax agricultural income, as it falls under their jurisdiction according to the Constitution of Pakistan however, due to insufficient resources and capacity, they are unable to collect agricultural income tax to the potential which Federation can realize. By exempting agricultural income tax vide section 41, a visible discrimination has been created. These discriminatory provisions undermine the principles of equity and fairness in the tax system and must be addressed through comprehensive tax reforms.

The taxation system is already burdened with numerous distortions, and the government has compounded the problem by introducing yet another misguided policy – the “Late Filers” provision. This amendment, which imposes harsh penalties on taxpayers who fail to submit their returns on time, is a flagrant violation of the principles of fairness and equity. Rather than encouraging voluntary tax compliance, it has only succeeded in fueling resentment and triggering a wave of litigation, as evidenced by the growing number of court cases challenging the legality of Section 7E (levied through Finance Act, 2022).

Adding to this list of problematic measures is the imposition of Federal Excise Duty (FED) on transfer of immovable property. This levy represents an overreach by the federal government into a domain that rightfully falls under provincial jurisdiction. Not only does this infringe on the constitutional division of fiscal powers, but it also places an undue burden on real estate transactions, stifling investment and economic activity in a critical sector.

Salaried individuals, the backbone of Pakistan’s professional middle class, have borne the brunt of the country’s economic woes. Currency devaluation, hyperinflation, and previous years’ tax rate hikes have eroded their purchasing power. Yet, the government has compounded their hardship by once again increasing tax rates for the FY2024-25 budget. This move is particularly egregious when one considers that the salaried class pays a staggering 243% more in taxes than the wealthy, subsidized exporters – a glaring disparity that underlies the inherent inequity of Pakistan’s taxation system. (https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2024/01/07/salaried-class-pay-243-more-tax-than-wealthy-exporters/). Therefore, Government should revert its decision to increase the tax rates for salaried individuals for FY2024-25.

Evidently, the government’s approach is inherently flawed. While salaried individuals in the private sector and those employed by SOEs/PSEs with their own salary structure & increments policy, have grappled with stagnant salaries or meager increments for years. This decision appears to unfairly link the losses of SOEs/PSEs to the tax burden borne by salaried individuals, treating all employees – public, private, industrial workers, etc. with the same broad brush.

However, this is not the case as a matter of fact. If the government has to reduce its expenditure or has some plan to reduce the losses of SOEs, it is puzzling that it has simultaneously announced increments for government sector employees. Meanwhile, private sector employees have not received meaningful pay increases for several years. In this context, the burden of increased tax rates is being shared equally by both categories of employees, despite their vastly divergent economic circumstances. For government sector employees, excluding those working in loss-making SOEs/PSEs, the increase in tax rates may be justified as part of a broader fiscal consolidation strategy.

However, for employees working in SOEs/PSEs and the private sector, such tax rate hikes are simply unacceptable. Subjecting them to further fiscal tightening, while the government workforce enjoys incremental pay raises, would be a deeply inequitable and short-sighted policy. Therefore, the government should maintain the prevailing tax rates for employees in the SOEs/PSEs and private sector, ensuring that the burden of fiscal adjustment is not disproportionately borne by the very individuals whose contributions are vital to Pakistan’s economic resilience and long-term growth.

Clause (6) of Part I of the Second Schedule of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001, limits the tax rate to 5% on yield or profit from investments in Bahbood Savings Certificates, Pensioners Benefit Accounts, and Shuhada Family Welfare Accounts. However, due to Clause 36A and Clause 103 of Part IV of the Second Schedule, institutions paying profit on these investments are unable to withhold tax. Ideally, recipients should pay tax at the reduced rate of 5%, but in practice, many treat this income as exempt, leading to a loss of revenue for the government.  To address this issue, it is proposed that a new clause be inserted in Part II of the Second Schedule of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001. This would make the respective institutions responsible for withholding tax at the reduced 5% rate when paying out the profit on these specified accounts.

The government’s decision to introduce exemptions from sales tax for iron and steel scrap is unjustified and short-sighted. These raw materials should be subject to appropriate taxation, as they are integral inputs for various industries. Providing tax exemptions in this regard amounts to an unfair subsidy that distorts market dynamics and undermines the principles of equitable taxation.

Additionally, the withdrawal of sales tax exemption/zero-rating on stationery items, equipment used for medical treatment/diagnostics is not justifiable. These products are essential for the education and healthcare sectors. Levying sales tax on these fundamental goods can significantly hinder access and affordability, negatively impacting both the education and healthcare systems.

Therefore, comprehensive reforms are urgently needed to create a fairer, more efficient tax system. The current budget’s focus on meeting revenue targets through existing mechanisms and discriminatory practices is inadequate and unsustainable. A shift towards equitable tax policies will not only broaden the tax base but also foster trust and compliance among taxpayers.

 

Tax Payers Alliance Pakistan (TPAP) is a potent pressure group, comprising citizens of Pakistan from all walks of life to advise, educate and influence the Government and Public Policy in Pakistan to lowering the taxes on businesses and individuals, to simplify the taxation regime, and to urge the government to eliminate undue and wasteful expenditures. PRIME Institute serves as its Secretariat in Islamabad.

Experts Critique Pakistan’s Fiscal Policy and Budget Allocations in Post-Budget Roundtable

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Experts Critique Pakistan’s Fiscal Policy and Budget Allocations in Post-Budget Roundtable

Islamabad, June 14, 2024 – The Policy Research Institute of Market Economy, supported by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) Pakistan, convened a post-budget roundtable where leading voices from research institutes, academia, and government gathered to analyze Pakistan’s fiscal policies and upcoming budget allocations. The discussion aimed to provide insights into the economic implications of these decisions.

Dr. Ali Salman, Executive Director of PRIME, highlighted the need for a coherent fiscal strategy amidst current economic challenges. “The budgetary measures require scrutiny,” remarked Dr. Salman. “There appears to be a departure from our research-driven approach advocating
streamlined tax policies and sector-neutral budget allocations.”

Key concerns included tax exemptions totaling 3.9 trillion rupees, impacting revenue targets and fiscal sustainability. Experts stressed the urgency of a uniform tax regime to stimulate economic growth and combat the shadow economy, which currently represents approximately 40% of Pakistan’s GDP.

Dr. Manzoor Ahmad, former Ambassador to WTO, noted discrepancies in trade policies and customs tariffs. “The budget’s emphasis on import substitution could hinder Pakistan’s integration into global markets,” he cautioned. “We must align with global economic trends and adopt policies promoting competitiveness and innovation.”

Dr. Nadia Tahir, Economist, expressed concerns about sector-specific impacts, particularly within healthcare and education. “Unbalanced tax measures risk undermining sectors critical to Pakistan’s socio-economic development,” she cautioned.

Dr. Mahmood Khalid emphasized the need for clarity and accountability in fiscal planning. “The budget lacks a coherent long-term perspective,” noted Dr. Khalid. “Targets set in previous years have not been met, reflecting a disconnect between policy objectives and outcomes. The absence of a comprehensive 13th five-year plan exacerbates this issue, leaving us without a clear roadmap for sustainable fiscal management.”

He further highlighted issues such as tax exemptions disproportionately impacting revenue collection, concealment of public sector debts and liabilities, and circular flows of government funds that undermine transparency. “The budget’s reliance on charging expenditures limits
flexibility in fiscal management,” Dr. Khalid added.

The roundtable also addressed transparency in budgetary processes, advocating clearer disclosures on debts and contingent liabilities. Experts called for proactive governance and evidence-based policymaking to effectively navigate Pakistan’s economic challenges. 

The event concluded with a consensus on the need for continued dialogue between policymakers, researchers, and stakeholders to shape inclusive economic strategies. Participants emphasized fostering transparency and accountability in fiscal decisions to strengthen Pakistan’s economic resilience.

For further inquiries or information on the outcomes of the roundtable discussion, please contact Mr. Farhan Zahid at +92 331 522 6825

Budget must be incentives-free

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Budget must be incentives-free

While people expect some relief, best relief is cut in public spending

By Dr Ali Salman

The federal government will be announcing its annual budget in a matter of days. As happens every year, there is a lot of interest and anticipation in the media about what the budget will entail. 

The private sector and industrial lobbies are making their demands public and want incentives. Business associations have submitted their tax proposals and demand tax reliefs. The public is expecting a relief from the back-breaking inflation and wants prices to come down. 

These expectations from the budget arise from an erroneous understanding: government’s budget and national economy are the same. 

The budget is an exercise of state’s financial management and it cannot encompass the economy as a whole. It’s a document where the state declares its intent and plan to collect taxes and manage its expenditures. 

Beyond a necessary level of tax collection required to run a limited and smart government, the budget exercise does not have the capacity to influence economic direction of the nation. 

To give one parameter, let’s consider jobs creation. Our workforce is 80 million strong. Assuming a 15% rate of unemployment (PBS estimates it to be 8%, PIDE estimates youth employment at 31%), we have around 68 million people employed out of a population of 235 million. 

From these 68 million people employed, the federal and provincial governments employ around 3.2 million people. In other words, the state provides jobs to hardly 5% of the population. 

As 90% of budget resources (tax revenue, non-tax revenue and loans) will be spent on current needs, I make a straightforward inference: budget is essentially a statement of how the state intends to keep its infrastructure running, including work for 3.2 million people and pensions of those who have retired or died. 

Now let’s talk about incentives. Each budget is expected to provide incentives and disincentives to selected industries and products, thus influencing consumer choice by using its financial and legal power.

The state can withdraw exemptions, can offer new subsidies and can raise tax rates on its own will. Obviously, in making these choices, it is influenced by stakeholders such as special interest groups as well as lending agencies and commercial banks. 

In my opinion, the budget should be incentives-free. Instead of opening the possibility of changing the incentive structure, which then opens the door on rent-seeking, if not corruption, the state should close its doors on seeking suggestions and demands from the public and private sectors. 

It should just focus on keeping its own economy – public finance in essence – in a good order. It should not default. 

By making futile attempts to change incentives through budget, the state misallocates scarce resources. Even if it is done with good intentions (which may be a path to hell, if you believe in this idiom), such an exercise is done on a false premise of access to perfect information, which remains dispersed. 

In practical terms, the exclusive focus of budget should be to minimise fiscal deficit while considering balancing budget as the ideal type. We may not be able to achieve the ideal, but we should always keep it as a benchmark. 

While the state should enforce its writ on tax collection and take all legitimate measures to collect due taxes, it must always confine its expenditures to the revenue collected. Parliament should have powers to declare any unfunded expenditure as illegal and unauthorised.

To save itself from the complex exercise of calculating the rates of taxes and tariffs on millions of transactions and products, the government should come up with an average and single number where the current tax revenues are not compromised. 

A single rate of general sales tax (GST) should be the starting point, as understandably we may not be able to achieve the uniform tariff rate instantly. 

We should begin to confine the government to a size which the economy can afford without making unrealistic assumptions about growth. That should lead to an exercise where we may have to close some government departments and almost all commercial state-owned enterprises. 

This should also include the rationalisation of defence budget. By moving in its direction, the state will save itself from default.

While the public anticipates some relief from the budget, the best relief is the reduction in public spending. All government expenditures are either funded by present taxes, present loans, future taxes or inflation taxes. 

To allow this and future generations to earn their own livelihood and minimise the burden on their hard-earned income, the state should reduce its size and should free itself from the burden of allocating budgetary resources to specific sectors. 

We should not view the budget as a substitute of growth strategy and should only view this as a plan to manage state finances.

To foster fair competition, the budget should be incentives-free as such incentives distort the market, create an uneven playing field for businesses and can become a breeding ground for lobbying and corruption. In a system without these distortions, firms compete on the basis of merit and efficiency.

The writer is the founder and executive director of the Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME)

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This article was originally published in The Express Tribune on June 10, 2024

Stable, Predictable Tax Regime and Not Ad-hoc Budgetary Measures for A Growing Young Economy; PIDE-PRIME Tax Reforms Commission

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Stable, Predictable Tax Regime and Not Ad-hoc Budgetary Measures for A Growing Young Economy; PIDE-PRIME Tax Reforms Commission

Islamabad, June 10, 2024 – The Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) and the Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME) have collaborated to form a Tax Reforms Commission, comprising several eminent thinkers. Currently, tax is a crucial issue in the media, and our lenders prioritize revenue collection over growth and employment. The commission highlights several flaws in the existing tax system. It is neither citizen-friendly, transparent, stable, nor predictable. Faced with increasing budgetary difficulties, reliance on ad-hoc measures has grown, leading to arbitrary withholding income taxes, turnover taxes, taxes on deemed incomes, and arbitrary revisions of tax rates. Approximately 68% of revenue is collected through excessive use of withholding and minimum tax regimes. The fragmented system, with numerous exemptions and rates, creates complexity and confusion for taxpayers. Problems include a broken refund system, high compliance costs, and a predatory Tax Authority. The budget period is marked by extreme uncertainty and speculation due to this approach to taxation. This arbitrary approach has resulted in numerous court cases and reversals of initiatives. More taxes are not the solution to deep structural fiscal policy issues where expenditure control is not possible.

According to the press release issued by PIDE, these statements were made during a press conference at the National Press Club in Islamabad, where Dr. Nadeem ul Haque, Vice Chancellor of PIDE, Dr. Ali Salman, Founder of PRIME, and Dr. Mahmood Khalid, Senior Research Economist at PIDE, addressed the audience.

They further stated that our approach emphasizes developing a predictable tax policy to build trust between citizens and the government. Key recommendations include simplification and harmonization of the tax system to facilitate taxpayers and ease tax payments, which is more effective than arbitrary measures imposed annually. Eliminating categories such as filer/non-filer and registered/unregistered for sales tax alone would compensate for many arbitrary tax measures. Reducing reliance on revenue collection through tariffs, additional customs duties, and other arbitrary measures has eroded confidence and closed the economy, leading to declining investment and growth. Long-term goals should include openness with low tariffs, not arbitrarily disturbed by any government. Automation and digitization to eliminate direct interaction between taxpayers and the tax authority are crucial. Transparency and digitization are key for tax administration, along with necessary changes in human capital and FBR service organization.

The Commission has worked tirelessly to ensure that reforms will not result in revenue loss and will lead to revenue growth. The proposed policy relies on simplification, harmonization, and improved FBR administration through digitization. Conservative estimates suggest direct revenue gains of at least Rs 4 trillion in the first three years, with significant benefits to the economy in terms of higher investment, growth, and job creation.

Key problems and recommendations highlighted by the Commission include: reliance on tariffs is outdated. Pakistan has become increasingly isolated due to a closed economy. Strong policy commitment to openness is necessary to benefit from global trade. Decreasing tariffs has shown positive impacts on revenues and substantial reductions in smuggling and mis-invoicing. Zero-rated import of plant and machinery, industrial raw materials, and intermediate goods should be implemented. Withdrawal of regulatory duty (RD), additional custom duties (ACD), and withholding income tax on imports is also recommended. The decades-old GST/VAT agenda needs to be firmly implemented. Problems with sales tax registration, harmonization, digitization, and the refund system should be resolved this year. Key reforms include harmonization of GST/VAT and no new exemptions on GST except in areas such as education and health. A fully functional GST/VAT system must be a performance goal for FBR with consequences. With a good GST in place, we should consider lowering the rate. Existing literature indicates that countries like India, Georgia, and Mexico, which shifted from high GST (17 to 19%) to VAT with a low rate (7 to 10%), have experienced an immediate positive impact on the tax-to-GDP ratio by 3 to 4%. PIDE research shows that in the short run, on average, a 1% increase in GST increases revenues by 2%, while in the long run, FBR revenues tend to decrease by 4% rates. Over the long run, the goal should be a gradual reduction of VAT to 10%.

 

Taxing all incomes equally and facilitating corporatization is crucial. There should be no new exemptions in the income tax system, and all sources of income need to be taxed. For equity reasons, the marginal income tax should increase. However, the effective income tax of AOPs and individuals should be lower than the corporate income tax to incentivize corporatization. The commission proposes new income tax slabs while suggesting decreased effective tax rates. For example, on an annual income of Rs. 3.6 million, the effective tax rate should be reduced from 12% to 6.38%. Other recommendations include uniformity of the tax regime on all sources of personal and non-corporate incomes, including agricultural income; decreasing the corporate tax rate to 25%; withdrawal of deemed rental income tax, CVT, super tax, turnover tax, and presumptive/final tax; and restoration of investment credits for plant and machinery.

 

The withholding regime needs to be replaced with an advanced income tax regime. Excessive withholding taxation should be withdrawn, as it operates like an indirect tax and burdens businesses. Withholding should only apply to salaried individuals, while others should pay advanced tax based on 75% of the previous year’s tax. Long-term reforms include reducing the number of withholding taxes and rolling back the WHT regime, except on payroll, interest, dividends, and payments to non-residents. Simplifying and lowering capital gains tax is necessary. Current collection is Rs 10 billion only. Lowering the rate and improving collection can allow capital building. Tax exemptions should be removed, as they create distortions and uncertainty. Removing all exemptions, including those related to income tax, could increase FBR revenues by 37% and raise the tax-to-GDP ratio by 3.36%.

 

Tax administration reforms are long overdue. These reforms could increase tax revenues by 2-3% of GDP, as seen in countries like Jamaica, Rwanda, and Senegal. The commission recommends mandatory GST registration starting with commercial importers, wholesalers, and tier-1 retailers. Automation and digitization should reduce interaction between taxpayers and tax authorities. The non-filer category should be abolished. Enhancing the capacity of PRAL is also necessary. A Pakistan Fiscal Policy Institute/Budget Office for budgetary and reform with teeth is needed. PIDE, PRIME, and other think tanks should be involved, ensuring that proposals and analyses reach the cabinet and parliament, playing a central role in policy, including international negotiations. The current whimsical approach must end.

 

The commission has done extensive economic analysis to estimate revenue implications of these reforms. Reforms in customs tariff revenue, including withdrawal of concessions and exemptions, and reduction in under-invoicing and misdeclaration, could bring Rs 314 billion with 36.5% growth over three years. General Sales Tax reforms could yield Rs 2,566 billion in additional revenues with 33% growth in the tax base over three years. Improved compliance in FED could yield Rs 48 billion in additional revenue over three years, assuming a 5% growth rate. Capital gains tax reforms might result in a 20% revenue reduction in the first year but would gradually return to existing levels within three years. Direct tax reforms are expected to result in Rs 1,545 billion over three years, assuming a 27.7% growth rate in the base. Overall revenue gains from tax rationalizations are projected to be approximately Rs 4 trillion, showing a 26% increase in the base over three years.

The PIDE-PRIME Tax Reforms Commission comprises eminent economists and tax experts, including Dr. Nadeem ul Haque, Vice Chancellor of Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE); Dr. Ali Salman, Executive Director of Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME); Mr. Shahid H. Kardar, Former Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan; Syed Shabbar Zaidi, Former Chairman of the Federal Board of Revenue; Dr. Ikram ul Haq, Advocate Supreme Court; Dr. Manzoor Ahmad, Senior Fellow at PIDE; Dr. Nasir Iqbal, Head of Macro Lab, PIDE; Dr. Mahmood Khalid, Senior Research Economist, PIDE; and Dr. Khalil Ahmad, Distinguished Research Fellow, PRIME. 

The Prime PIDE Tax Reforms can be accessed by downloading the attached file.

For inquiries, please contact Mr. Farhan Zahid, Communications Officer at PRIME, at farhan@primeinstitute.org

 

Economic Policy Think Tank PRIME Signs MOU with Quaid-e-Azam University to Strengthen Policy Linkages

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Economic Policy Think Tank PRIME Signs MOU with Quaid-e-Azam University to Strengthen Policy Linkages

Islamabad, June 5, 2024 – The Policy Research Institute of Market Economy (PRIME), Pakistan’s leading economic think tank, has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the prestigious School of Economics at Quaid-e-Azam University (QAU). This partnership aims to bridge the gap between academia and policy research, enriching the intellectual development of students, particularly in economic policy.

The MOU establishes a collaborative framework where PRIME will facilitate seminars, internships, and mentorship programs to educate and build capacity among QAU students and faculty. Both institutions will contribute resources, with PRIME providing experts and QAU offering logistical support for events. PRIME will also host quarterly policy seminars featuring QAU faculty research.

This partnership represents a significant step forward in advancing policy education and fostering collaboration among future public policy leaders. It signifies a shared commitment between PRIME and QAU to elevate the standards of economic policy discourse and contribute to the socio-economic development of Pakistan.

At the ceremony, the Executive Director of PRIME, Dr. Ali Salman, expressed confidence in its potential positive impact on society. Similarly, Dr. Tariq Majeed, Head of the Economics Department at Quaid-e-Azam University, expressed satisfaction that the collaboration will nurture the next generation of policy leaders.

During the signing ceremony, the Vice Chancellor of Quaid-e-Azam University, Prof. Dr. Niaz Ahmad Akhtar, was also present.

For inquiries, please contact Mr. Farhan Zahid, Communications Officer at PRIME, at farhan@primeinstitute.org

Biting the hand that feeds you

by PRIME Institute PRIME Institute No Comments

Biting the hand that feeds you

If rich are taxed too much, they will flee for favourable pastures and not pay any taxes

By Rizwan Rawji

Cutting tax rates in the highest income tax brackets has the most positive impact on tax revenues and the economic growth. The important point is to recognise that people don’t work to pay taxes; they work to earn what they can after tax.

 It is the after-tax rate of return on work, after all, that is the incentive that propels output and employment growth. 

Given the data on tax rates and tax revenues from the highest income earners, there is no way anyone can take for granted that higher tax rates mean higher revenues. The highest tax bracket income earners when compared with those people in lower tax brackets are far more capable of avoiding and evading taxes.

Rich people are highly incentivised to keep their money. They are smart and they have money – they can hire lawyers, they can hire accountants, they can hire members of the National Assembly, senators and bureaucrats. 

They are the people who want a favour from the government. Rich people can buy influence. They don’t only have the means to buy influence, but they also have the ways of doing it. This fact is universal and Pakistan is no exception. 

Money is a universal language, but it speaks at different volumes. Rich people can get around taxes. If the government taxes rich people too much, they will flee the jurisdiction for favourable pastures and not pay any taxes. 

The optimal tax system is one where taxpayers recognise their obligations to pay taxes and believe the tax system is fair and equitable. Then rich people will pay taxes willingly.

Pakistan’s tax agenda should be to stop high-income earners from not paying their fair share of income taxes. Given that they hold the majority of the nation’s wealth, they contribute disproportionately in income taxes to the national exchequer.

What’s missing in Pakistan is a simple, straightforward, broad-based, flat rate and predictable tax system. A flat tax system should be with no exemptions, no exclusions, no deductions and no credits.

A flat income tax means that all taxpayers, regardless of their income level, pay the same percentage of their income in taxes. It is fair and creates incentive for better compliance and more tax revenues. 

For example, say the tax code has a flat tax rate of 10%. A taxpayer earning Rs9,000,000 would pay 10% of the income in taxes (Rs900,000), while a taxpayer earning Rs90,000,000 would also pay 10% of the income (Rs9,000,000). So, while the tax percentage stays the same across all income levels, your specific income determines how much you owe in taxes. 

The advantage of flat income tax over complex progressive or graduated rate tax systems is that it is straightforward and takes the same proportion of income from each taxpayer. The simplicity of this model, offering clarity and ease of administration, shouldn’t fool you. It will have massive beneficial consequences. 

In a progressive tax system, the tax rate increases as income levels rise. Higher-income individuals pay a higher percentage of their income in taxes when compared to those with lower incomes. 

Unreasonable high progressive tax rates lead to quixotic tax enforcement, corrupt implementation of rules and regulations, counter-productive behaviour of individuals resorting to avoiding, evading and misrepresenting their true income. 

The rich are particularly sensitive to high income brackets. The elasticity of supply of taxable income is the greatest in the highest income brackets. Tax rate cuts in the highest income tax brackets have the most positive tax revenue and growth impacts. 

The government should incentivise high-net-worth individuals by being a protector, a creator and a friend by bringing them gradually in the tax fold. It will also diminish the “trust deficit” that exists between the high-income earners and the tax collector.

The rich, in return, should recognise their obligation to pay taxes and believe that the tax system is fair and equitable. They should set an example by marketing themselves as patriots who care for all the citizens and want to share a common prosperity for all Pakistanis.

This article was originally published in The Express Tribune on June 3, 2024.

The writer is a philanthropist and an economist based in Belgium